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THE 

INTERNATIONAL 

JEW 


THE  WORLD'S  FOREMOST  PROBLEM 


Being  a  Reprint  of  a  Series  of  Articles 

Appearing  in  The  Dearborn  Independent 

frotn  May  22  to  October  2,  1920 

NOVEMBER,  1920 


A/6 


h 


Preface 


WHY  discuss  the  Jewish  Question?  Because  it  is 
here,  and  because  its  emergence  into  American 
thought  should  contribute  to  its  solution,  and  not  to 
a  continuance  of  those  bad  conditions  which  surround 
the  Question  in  other  countries. 

The  Jewish  Question  has  existed  in  the  United 
States  for  a  long  time.  Jews  themselves  have  known 
this,  even  if  Gentiles  have  not.  There  have  been 
periods  in  our  own  country  when  it  has  broken  forth 
with  a  sullen  sort  of  strength  which  presaged  darker 
things  to  come.  Many  signs  portend  that  it  is  ap- 
proaching an  acute  stage. 

Not  only  does  the  Jewish  Question  touch  those 
matters  that  are  of  common  knowledge,  such  as  finan- 
cial and  commercial  control,  usurpation  of  political 
power,  monopoly  of  necessities,  and  autocratic  direc- 
tion of  the  very  news  that  the  American  people  read; 
but  it  reachesjnto  cultural  regions  and  so  touches  the 
very  heart  of  American  life. 

This  question  reaches  down  into  South  America  and 
threatens  to  become  an  important  factor  in  Pan- 
American  relations.  It  is  interwoven  with  much  of 
the  menace  of  organized  and  calculated  disorder  which 
troubles  the  nations  today.  It  is  not  of  recent  growth, 
but  its  roots  go  deep,  and  the  long  Past  of  this  Prob- 
lem is  counterbalanced  by  prophetic  hopes  and  pro- 
grams which  involve  a  very  deliberate  and  creative 
view  of  the  Future. 

This  little  book  is  the  partial  record  of  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  Jewish  Question.  It  is  printed  to  enable 
interested  readers  to  inform  themselves  on  the  data 
published  in  The  Dearborn  Independent  prior  to  Oct. 
1,  1920.  The  demand  for  back  copies  of  the  paper 
was  so  great  that  the  supply  was  exhausted  early,  as 
was  also  a  large  edition  of  a  booklet  containing  the 
first  nine  articles  of  the  series.    The  investigation  still 


3034482 


6  PREFACE 

proceeds,  and  the  articles  will  continue  to  appear  as 
heretofore  until  the  work  is  done. 

The  motive  of  this  work  is  simply  a  desire  to  make 
facts  known  to  the  people.  Other  motives  have,  of 
course,  been  ascribed  to  it.  But  the  motive  of  preju- 
dice or  any  form  of  antagonism  is  hardly  strong 
enough  to  support  such  an  investigation  as  this. 
Moreover,  had  an  unworthy  motive  existed,  some 
sign  of  it  would  inevitably  appear  in  the  work  itself. 
We  confidently  call  the  reader  to  witness  that  the  tone 
of  these  articles  is  all  that  it  should  be.  The  Interna- 
tional Jew  and  his  satellites,  as  the  conscious  enemies 
of  all  that  Anglo-Saxons  mean  by  civilization,  are  not 
spared,  nor  is  that  unthinking  mass  which  defends 
anything  that  a  Jew  does,  simply  because  it  has  been 
taught  to  believe  that  what  Jewish  leaders  do  is 
Jewish.  Neither  do  these  articles  proceed  upon  a 
false  emotion  of  brotherhood  and  apology,  as  if  this 
stream  of  doubtful  tendency  in  the  world  were  only 
accidentally  Jewish.  We  give  the  facts  as  we  find 
them;  that  of  itself  is  sufficient  protection  against 
prejudice  or  passion. 

This  volume  does  not  complete  the  case  by  any 
means.  But  it  brings  the  reader  along  one  step.  In 
future  compilations  of  these  and  subsequent  articles 
the  entire  scope  of  the  inquiry  will  more  clearly  ap- 
pear. 


October,  1920. 


Contents 

Page 

I.  The  Jew  in  Character  and  Business  9 

II.  Germany's  Reaction  Against  the  Jew  23 

III.  Jewish  History  in  the  U.  S.  33  /" 

IV.  The  Jewish  Question — Fact  or  Fancy?  43 
V.  Anti-Semitism — Will  It  Appear  In  the  U.  S.  55 

VI.  Jewish  Question  Breaks  Into  the  Magazines  71 

VII.  Arthur  Brisbane  to  the  Help  of  Jewry  11 

VIII.  Does  a  Definite  Jewish  World  Program  Exist?  85 

IX.  The   Historic  Basis  of  Jewish   Imperialism  97 

X.  An  Introduction  to  the  "Jewish  Protocols"  109 

XI.  "Jewish"  Estimate  of  Gentile  Human  Nature  117 

XII.  "Jewish   Protocols"   Claim   Part  Fulfillment  129 

XIII.  "Jewish"  Plan  to  Split  Society  by  "Ideas"  141 

XIV.  Did  the  Jews  Foresee  the  World  War?  153 
XV.  Is  the  Jewish  "Kahal"  the  Modern  "Soviet"?  163 

XVI.  How  the  "Jewish  Question"  Touches  the  Farm  175 

XVII.  Does  Jewish  Power  Control  the  World  Press?  187 

XVIII.  Does  this  Explain  Jewish  Political  Power?  201 

XIX.  The  All-Jewish  Mark  on  "Red  Russia"  213 

XX.  Jewish  Testimony  in  Favor  of  Bolshevism  225 


"Among  the  distinguishing  mental  and  moral 
traits  of  the  Jews  may  be  mentioned:  distaste 
for  hard  or  violent  physical  labor;  a  strong  fam- 
ilj  sense  and  philoprogcnitivencss ;  a  marked  -re- 
ligious instinct;  the  courage  of  the  prophet  and 
martyr  rather  than  of  the  pioneer  and  soldier; 
remarkable  power  to  survive  in  adverse  environ- 
ments, combined  with  great  ability  to  retain  racial 
solidarity;  capacity  for  exploitation,  both  in- 
dividual and  social;  shrewdness  and  astuteness  in 
speculation  and  money  matters  generally;  an  Ori- 
ental love  of  display  and  a  full  appreciation  of 
the  power  and  pleasure  of  social  position;  a  very 
high   average    of    intellectual   ability." 

— The  New  International  Encyclopedia. 


The  Jew  in  Character  and 
Business 


THE  Jew  is  again  being  singled  out  for  critical  at- 
tention throughout  the  world.  His  emergence 
in  the  financial,  political  and  social  spheres  has  been 
so  complete  and  spectacular  since  the  war,  that  his 
place,  power  and  purpose  in  the  world  are  being  given 
a  new  scrutiny,  much  of  it  unfriendly.  Persecution  is 
not  a  new  experience  to  the  Jew,  but  intensive  scrutiny 
of  his  nature  and  super-nationality  is.  He  has  suf- 
fered for  more  than  2,000  years  from  what  may  be 
called  the  instinctivd^nti-Semitism  of  the  other  races, 
but  this  antagonism  has  never  been  intelligent  nor  has 
it  been  able  to  make  itself  intelligible.  Nowadays, 
however,  the  Jew  is  being  placed,  as  it  were,  under  the 
microscope  of  economic  observation  that  the  reasons 
for  his  power,  the  reasons  for  his  separateness,  the  rea- 
sons for  his  suffering  may  be  defined  and  understood. 
In  Russia  he  is  charged  with  being  the  source  of 
Bolshevism,  an  accusation  which  is  serious  or  not  ac- 
cording to  the  circle  in  which  it  is  made;  we  in  Amer- 
ica, hearing  the  fervid  eloquence  and  perceiving  the 
prophetic  ardor  of  young  Jewish  apostles  of  social  and 
industrial  reform,  can  calmly  estimate  how  it  may  be. 
In  Germany  he  is  charged  with  being  the  cause  of  the 
Empire's  collapse  and  a  very  considerable  literature 
has  sprung  up,  bearing  with  it  a  mass  of  circumstantial 
evidence  that  gives  the  thinker  pause.  In  England  he 
is  charged  with  being  the  real  world  ruler,  who  rules 
as  a  super-nation  over  the  nations,  rules  b}''  the  power 
of  gold,  and  who  plays  nation  against  nation  for  his 
own  purposes,  remaining  himself  discreetly  in  the  back- 
ground. In  America  it  is  pointed  out  to  what  extent 
the  elder  Jews  of  wealth  and  the  younger  Jews  of 
ambition  swarmed  through  the  war  organizations — 
principally  those  departments  which  dealt  with  the 
commercial  and  industrial  business  of  war,  and  also 
the  extent  to  which  they  have  clung  to  the  advantage 


10  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

which  their  experience  as  agents  of  the  government 
gave  them. 

In  simple  words,  the  question  of  the  Jews  has  come 
to  the  fore,  but  like  other  questions  which  lend  them- 
selves to  prejudice,  efforts  will  be  made  to  hush  it  up 
as  impolitic  for  open  discussion.  If,  however,  experi- 
ence has  taught  us  anything  it  is  that  questions  thus 
suppressed  will  sooner  or  later  break  out  in  undesirable 
and  unprofitable  forms. 

The  Jew  is  the  world's  enigma.  Poor  in  his  masses, 
he  yet  controls  the  world's  finances.  Scattered  abroad 
without  country  or  government,  he  yet  presents  a 
unity  of  race  continuity  which  no  other  people  has 
achieved.  Living  under  legal  disabilities  in  almost 
every  land,  he  has  become  the  power  behind  many  a 
throne.  There  are  ancient  prophecies  to  the  effect 
that  the  Jew  will  return  to  his  own  land  and  from  that 
center  rule  the  world,  though  not  until  he  has  under- 
gone an  assault  by  the  united  nations  of  mankind. 

The  single  description  which  will  include  a  larger 
percentage  of  Jews  than  members  of  any  other  race  is 
this:  he  is  in  business.  It  may  be  only  gathering  rags 
and  selling  them,  but  he  is  in  business.  From  the  sale 
of  old  clothes  to  the  control  of  international  trade  and 
finance,  the  Jew  is  supremely  gifted  for  business.  More 
than  any  other  race  he  exhibits  a  decided  aversion  to 
•  industrial  employment,  which  he  balances  by  an 
equally  decided  adaptability  to  trade.  The  Gentile 
boy  works  his  way  up,  taking  employment  in  the  pro- 
ductive or  technical  departments;  but  the  Jewish  boy 
prefers  to  begin  as  messenger,  salesman  or  clerk — 
anything — so  long  as  it  is  connected  with  the  commer- 
cial side  of  the  business.  An  early  Prussian  census 
illustrates  this  characteristic:  of  a  total  population  of 
269,400,  the  Jews  comprised  six  per  cent  or  16,164. 
Of  these,  12,000  were  traders  and  4,164  were  workmen. 
Of  the  Gentile  population,  the  other  94  per  cent,  or 
153,236  people,  there  were  only  17,000  traders. 

A  modern  census  would  show  a  large  professional 
and  literary  class  added  to  the  traders,  but  no  diminu- 
tion of  the  percentage  of  traders  and  not  much  if  any 
increase  in  the  number  of  wage  toilers.  In  America 
alone  most  of  the  big  business,  the  trusts  and  the 
banks,  the  natural  resources  and  the  chief  agricultural 


THE  JEW    IN    CHARACTER   AND    BUSINESS  11 

products,  especially  tobacco,  cotton  and  sugar,  are 
in  the  control  of  Jewish  financiers  or  their  agents. 
Jewish  journalists  are  a  large  and  powerful  group  here. 
"Large  numbers  of  department  stores  are  held  by 
Jewish  firms,"  says  the  Jewish  Encyclopedia,  and 
many  if  not  most  of  them  are  run  under  Gentile  names. 
Jews  are  the  largest  and  most  numerous  landlords  of 
residence  property  in  the  country.  They  are  supreme 
in  the  theatrical  world.  They  absolutely  control  the 
circulation  of  publications  throughout  the  country. 
Fewer  than  any  race  whose  presence  among  us  is 
noticeable,  they  receive  daily  an  amount  of  favorable 
publicity  which  would  be  impossible  did  they  not  have 
the  facilities  for  creating  and  distributing  it  them- 
selves. Werner  Sombart,  in  his  "Jew  and  Modern 
Capitalism"  says,  "If  the  conditions  in  America  con- 
tinue to  develop  along  the  same  lines  as  in  the  last 
generation,  if  the  immigration  statistics  and  the  pro- 
portion of  births  among  all  the  nationalities  remain 
the  same,  our  imagination  may  picture  the  United 
States  of  fifty  or  a  hundred  years  hence  as  a  land  in- 
habited only  by  Slavs,  Negroes  and  Jews,  wherein  the 
Jews  will  naturally  occupy  the  position  of  economic 
leadership."     Sombart  is  a  pro-Jewish  writer. 

The  question  is.  If  the  Jew  is  in  control,  how  did  it 
happen?  This  is  a  free  country.  The  Jew  comprises 
only  about  three  per  cent  of  the  population;  to  every 
Jew  there  are  97  Gentiles;  to  the  3,000,000  Jews  in  the 
United  States  there  are  97,000,000  Gentiles.  If  the 
Jew  is  in  control,  is  it  because  of  his  superior  ability, 
or  is  it  because  of  the  inferiority  and  don't-care  at- 
titude of  the  Gentiles? 

It  would  be  very  simple  to  answer  that  the  Jews 
came  to  America,  took  their  chances  like  other  people 
and  proved  more  successful  in  the  competitive  struggle. 
But  that  would  not  include  all  the  facts.  And  before 
a  more  adequate  answer  can  be  given,  two  points 
should  be  made  clear.  The  first  is  this:  all  Jews  are 
not  rich  controllers  of  wealth.  There  are  poor  Jews 
aplenty,  though  most  of  them  even  in  their  poverty  are 
their  own  masters.  While  it  may  be  true  that  the 
chief  financial  controllers  of  the  country  are  Jews,  it  is 
not  true  that  every  Jew  is  one  of  the  financial  con- 
trollers of  the  country.     The  classes  must  be  kept 


12  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

distinct  for  a  reason  which  will  appear  when  the 
methods  of  the  rich  Jews  and  the  methods  of  the 
poor  Jews  to  gain  power  are  differentiated.  Sec- 
ondly, the  fact  of  Jewish  solidarity  renders  it  difficult 
to  measure  Gentile  and  Jewish  achievements  by  the 
same  standard.  When  a  great  block  of  wealth  in 
America  was  made  possible  by  the  lavish  use  of  an- 
other block  of  wealth  from  across  the  seas;  that  is  to 
say,  when  certain  Jewish  immigrants  came  to  the 
United  States  with  the  financial  backing  of  European 
Jewry  behind  them,  it  would  be  unfair  to  explain  the 
rise  of  that  class  of  immigration  by  the  same  rules 
which  account  for  the  rise  of,  say,  the  Germans  or 
the  Poles  who  came  here  with  no  resource  but  their 
ambition  and  strength.  To  be  sure,  many  individual 
Jews  come  in  that  way,  too,  with  no  dependence  but 
themselves,  but  it  would  not  be  true  to  say  that  the 
massive  control  of  affairs  which  is  exercised  by  Jewish 
wealth  was  won  by  individual  initiative;  it  was  rather 
the  extension  of  financial  control  across  the  sea. 

That,  indeed,  is  where  any  explanation  of  Jewish 
control  must  begin.  Here  is  a  race  whose  entire 
period  of  national  history  saw  them  peasants  on  the 
land,  whose  ancient  genius  was  spiritual  rather  than 
material,  bucolic  rather  than  commercial,  yet  today, 
when  they  have  no  country,  no  government,  and  are 
persecuted  in  one  way  or  another  everywhere  they  go, 
they  are  declared  to  be  the  principal  though  unofficial 
rulers  of  the  earth.  How  does  so  strange  a  charge 
arise,  and  why  do  so  many  circumstances  seem  to 
justify  it? 

Begin  at  the  beginning.  During  the  formative 
period  of  their  national  character  the  Jews  lived  under 
a  law  which  made  plutocracy  and  pauperism  equally 
impossible  among  them.  Modern  reformers  who  are 
constructing  model  social  systems  on  paper  would  do 
well  to  look  into  the  social  system  under  which  the 
early  Jews  were  organized.  The  Law  of  Moses  made 
a  "money  aristocracy,"  such  as  Jewish  financiers  form 
today,  impossible  because  it  forbade  the  taking  of  in- 
terest. It  made  impossible  also  the  continuous  en- 
joyment of  profit  wrung  out  of  another's  distress. 
Profiteering  and  sheer  speculation  were  not  favored 
under  the  Jewish  svstem.     There  could  be  no  land- 


THE  JEW   IN   CHARACTER   AND   BUSINESS  13 

hogging;  the  land  was  apportioned  among  the  people, 
and  though  it  might  be  lost  by  debt  or  sold  under 
stress,  it  was  returned  every  50  years  to  its  original 
family  ownership,  at  which  time,  called  "The  Year  of 
Jubilee,"  there  was  practically  a  new  social  beginning. 
The  rise  of  great  landlords  and  a  moneyed  class  was 
impossible  under  such  a  system,  although  the  interim 
of  50  years  gave  ample  scope  for  individual  initiative 
to  assert  itself  under  fair  competitive  conditions. 

If,  therefore,  the  Jews  had  retained  their  status  as 
a  nation,  and  had  remained  in  Palestine  under  the 
Law  of  Moses,  they  would  hardly  have  achieved  the 
financial  distinction  which  they  have  since  won.  Jews 
nevergotjiclL.oiit^of  one  ai^  Even  in  modern 

€iraes~fhey~haveiiot  become  rich  out  of  each  other  but 
out  of  the  nations  among  whom  they  dwelt.  Jewish 
law  permitted  the  Jew  to  do  business  with  a  Gentile 
on  a  different  basis  than  that  on  which  he  did  business 
with  a  brother  Jew.  What  is  called  "the  Law  of  the 
Stranger"  was  defined  thus:  "unto  a  stranger  thou 
mayest  lend  upon  usury;  but  unto  thy  brother  thou 
shalt  not  lend  upon  usury." 

Being  dispersed  among  the  nations,  but  never  merg- 
ing themselves  with  the  nations  and  never  losing  a  very 
distinctive  identity,  the  Jew  has  had  the  opportunity 
to  practice  "the  ethics  of  the  stranger"  for  many  cen- 
turies. Being  strangers  among  strangers,  and  often 
among  cruelly  hostile  strangers,  they  have  found  this 
law  a  compensating  advantage.  Still,  this  alone  would 
not  account  for  the  Jew's  preeminence  in  finance.  The 
explanation  of  that  must  be  sought  in  the  Jew  him- 
self, his  vigor,  resourcefulness  and  special  proclivities. 
Very  early  in  the  Jewish  story  we  discover  the  tend- 
ency of  Israel  to  be  a  master  nation,  with  other 
nations  as  its  vassals.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
the  whole  prophetic  purpose  with  reference  to  Israel 
seems  to  have  been  the  moral  enlightenment  of  the 
world  through  its  agency,  Israel's  "will  to  masj^ry" 
apparently  hindered  that  purpose.  At  least  such 
would  seem  to  be  the  tone  of  the  Old  Testament. 
Divinely  ordered  to  drive  out  the  Canaanites  that 
their  corrupt  ideas  might  not  contaminate  Israel,  the 
Jews  did  not  obey,  according  to  the  old  record.  They 
looked  over   the   Canaanitish    people   and    perceived 


14  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

what  great  amount  of  man-power  would  be  wasted  if 
they  were  expelled,  and  so  Israel  enslaved  them — "And 
it  came  to  pass,  when  Israel  was  strong,  that  they  put 
the  Canaanites  to  tribute,  and  did  not  utterly  drive 
them  out."  It  was  this  form  of  disobedience,  this 
preference  of  material  mastery  over  spiritual  leader- 
ship, that  marked  the  beginning  of  Israel's  age-long 
disciplinary  distress. 

The  Jews'  dispersion  among  the  nations  tempora- 
rily (that  is,  for  more  than  25  centuries  now)  changed 
the  program  which  their  scriptures  declare  was  divinely 
planned,  and  that  dispersion  continues  until  today. 
There  are  spiritual  leaders  in  modern  Judaism  who 
stil^  claim  that  Israel's  mission  to  the  nations  is  spir- 
itual, but  their  assertions  that  Israel  is  today  fulfilling 
that  mission  are  not  as  convincing  as  they  might  be  if 
accompanied  by  more  evidence.  Israel  throughout 
the  modern  centuries  is  still  looking  at  the  Gentile 
world  and  estimating  what  its  man-power  can  be 
made  to  yield.  But  the  discipline  upon  Israel  still 
holds;  he  is  an  exile  from  his  own  land,  condemned  to 
be  discriminated  against  wherever  he  goes,  until  the 
time  when  exile  and  homelessness  shall  end  in  a  re- 
established Palestine,  and  Jerusalem  again  become  the 
moral  center  of  the  earth,  even  as  the  elder  prophets 
have  declared. 

Had  the  Jew  become  an  employe,  a  worker  for 
other  men,  his  dispersion  would  not  probably  have 
been  so  wide.  But  becoming  a  trader,  his  instincts 
drew  him  round  the  habitable  earth.  There  were 
Jews  in  China  at  an  early  date.  They  appeared  as 
traders  in  England  at  the  time  of  the  Saxons.  Jewish 
traders  were  in  South  America  100  years  before  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  at  Plymouth  Rock.  Jews 
established  the  sugar  industry  in  the  Island  of  St. 
Thomas  in  1492.  They  were  well  established  in 
Brazil  when  only  a  few  villages  dotted  the  eastern 
coast  of  what  is  now  the  United  States.  And  how  far 
they  penetrated  when  once  they  came  here  is  indicated 
by  the  fact  that  the  first  white  child  born  in  Georgia 
was  a  Jew — Isaac  Minis.  The  Jew's  presence  round 
the  earth,  his  clannishness  with  his  own  people,  made 
him  a  nation  scattered  among  the  nations,  a  corpora- 
tion with  agents  everywhere. 


THE  JEW   IN   CHARACTER  AND   BUSINESS  15 

Another  talent,  however,  contributed  greatly  to  his 
rise  in  financial  power — his  ability  to  invent  new  de- 
vices for  doing  business.  Until  the  Jew  was  pitted 
against  the  world,  business  was  very  crudely  done. 
And  when  we  trace  the  origins  of  many  of  the  business 
methods  which  simplify  and  facilitate  trade  today, 
more  likely  than  not  we  find  a  Jewish  name  at  the  end 
of  the  clue.  Many  of  the  indispensable  instruments 
of  credit  and  exchange  were  thought  out  by  Jewish 
merchants,  not  only  for  use  between  themselves,  but 
to  check  and  hold  the  Gentiles  with  whom  they  dealt. 
The  oldest  bill  of  exchange  extant  was  drawn  by  a  Jew 
— one  Simon  Rubens.  The  promissory  note  was  a 
Jewish  invention,  as  was  also  the  check  "payable  to 
bearer." 

An  interesting  bit  of  history  attaches  to  the  "pay- 
able to  bearer"  instrument.  The  Jews'  enemies  were 
always  stripping  them  of  their  last  ounce  of  wealth,  yet 
strangely,  the  Jews  recovered  very  quickly  and  were 
soon  rich  again.  How  this  sudden  recovery  from  loot- 
ing and  poverty?  Their  assets  were  concealed  under 
"bearer"  and  so  a  goodly  portion  was  always  saved. 
In  an  age  when  it  was  lawful  for  any  pirate  to  seize 
goods  consigned  to  Jews,  the  Jews  were  able  to  protect 
themselves  by  consigning  goods  on  policies  that  bore 
no  names. 

The  influence  of  the  Jew  was  to  center  business 
around  goods  instead  of  persons.  Previously  all 
claims  had  been  against  persons;  the  Jew  knew  that 
the  goods  were  more  reliable  than  the  persons  with 
whom  he  dealt,  and  so  he  contrived  to  have  claims  laid 
against  goods.  Besides,  this  device  enabled  him  to 
keep  himself  out  of  sight  as  much  as  possible.  This 
introduced  an  element  of  hardness  into  business,  inas^ 


mucTTas  it  was  goods~which"were  being  dealt  in  rather 
than  men  being  dealt  with,  and  this  hardness  remains. 
Another  tendency  which  survives  and  which  is  of  ad- 
vantage in  veiling  the  very  large  control  which  Jews 
have  attained,  is  of  the  same  origin  as  "bearer"  bills; 
it  permits  a  business  dominated  by  Jewish  capital  to 
appear  under  a  name  that  gives  no  hint  of  Jewish 
control. 

The  Jew  is  the  only  and  original  international  cap- 
italist, but  as  a  rule  he  prefers  not  to  emblazon  that 


16  THE    INTERNA  iioNAL    JEW 

fact  upon  the  skies;  he  prefers  to  use  Gentile  banks 
and  trust  companies  as  his  agents  and  instruments. 
The  suggestive  term  "Gentile  front"  often  appears  in 
connection  with  this  practice. 

The  invention  of  the  stock  exchange  is  also  credited 
to  Jewish  financial  talent.  In  Berlin,  Paris,  London, 
Frankfort  and  Hamburg,  Jews  were  in  control  of  the 
first  stock  exchanges,  while  Venice  and  Genoa  were 
openly  referred  to  in  the  talk  of  the  day  as  "Jew  cities" 
where  great  trading  and  banking  facilities  might  be 
found.  The  Bank  of  England  was  established  upon 
the  counsel  and  assistance  of  Jewish  emigrants  from 
Holland.  The  Bank  of  Amsterdam  and  the  Bank  of 
Hamburg  both  arose  through  Jewish  influence. 

There  is  a  curious  fact  to  be  noted  in  connection 
with  the  persecution  and  consequent  wanderings  of 
the  Jews  about  Europe  and  that  is:  wherever  they 
wandered,  the  center  of  business  seemed  to  go  with 
them.  When  the  Jews  were  free  in  Spain,  there  was 
the  world's  gold  center.  When  Spain  drove  out  the 
Jews,  Spain  lost  financial  leadership  and  has  never 
regained  it.  Students  of  the  economic  history  of 
Europe  have  always  been  puzzled  to  discover  why  the 
center  of  trade  should  have  shifted  from  Spain,  Portu- 
gal and  Italy,  up  to  the  northern  countries  of  Holland, 
Germany  and  England.  They  have  sought  for  the 
cause  in  many  things,  but  none  has  proved  com- 
pletely explanatory.  When,  however,  it  is  known  that 
the  change  was  coincident  with  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jews  from  the  South  and  their  flight  to  the  North, 
when  it  is  known  that  upon  the  Jews'  arrival  the 
northern  countries  began  a  commercial  life  which  has 
flourished  until  our  day,  the  explanation  does  not 
seem  difficult.  Time  and  again  it  has  proved  to  be 
the  fact  that  when  the  Jews  were  forced  to  move,  the 
center  of  the  world's  precious  metals  moved  with  them. 

This  distribution  of  the  Jews  over  Europe  and  the 
world,  each  Jewish  community  linked  in  a  fellow- 
ship of  blood,  faith  and  suffering  with  every  other 
group,  made  it  possible  for  the  Jew  to  be  international 
in  the  sense  that  no  other  race  or  group  of  merchants 
could  be  at  that  time.  Not  only  were  they  every- 
where (Americans  and  Russians  are  everywhere,  too) 
but  they  were  in  touch.     They  were  organized  before 


THE  JEW   IN   CHARACTER   AND    BUSINESS  17 

the  days  of  conscious  international  commercial  organi- 
zations, they  were  bound  together  by  the  sinews  of  a 
common  life.  It  was  observed  by  many  writers  in  the 
Middle  Ages  that  the  Jews  knew  more  of  what  was 
transpiring  in  Europe  than  the  governments  did.  They 
also  had  better  knowledge  of  what  was  likely  to  occur. 
They  knew  more  aljout  conditions  than  the  statesmen 
did.  This  information  they  imparted  by  letter  from 
group  to  group,  country  to  country.  Indeed,  they 
may  be  said  thus  to  have  originated  unconsciously  the 
financial  news-letter.  Certainly  the  information  they 
were  able  to  obtain  and  thus  distribute  was  invaluable 
to  them  in  their  speculative  enterprises.  Advance 
knowledge  was  an  immense  advantage  in  days  when 
news  was  scarce,  slow  and  unreliable. 

This  enabled  Jewish  financiers  to  become  the  agents 
of  national  loans,  a  form  of  business  which  they  en- 
couraged wherever  possible.  The  Jew  has  always  de- 
sired to  have  nations  for  his  customers.  National 
loans  were  facilitated  by  the  presence  of  members  of 
the  same  family  of  financiers  in  various  countries,  thus 
making  an  interlocking  directorate  by  which  king 
could  be  played  against  king,  government  against 
government,  and  the  shrewdest  use  made  of  national 
prejudices  and  fears,  all  to  the  no  small  profit  of  the 
fiscal  agent. 

One  of  the  charges  most  commonly  made  against 
Jewish  financiers  today  is  that  they  still  favor  this 
larger  field  of  finance.  Indeed,  in  all  the  criticism  that 
is  heard  regarcUng  the  Jew  as  a  business  man,  there  is 
comparatively  little  said  against  him  as  an  individual 
merchant  serving  individual  customers.  Thousands 
of  small  Jewish  merchants  are  highly  respected  by 
their  trade,  just  as  tens  of  thousands  of  Jewish  families 
are  respected  as  our  neighbors.  The  criticism,  insofar 
as  it  respects  the  more  important  financiers,  is  not  ra- 
cial at  all.  Unfortunately  the  element  of  race,  which 
so  easily  lends  itself  to  misinterpretation  as  racial  prej- 
udice, is  injected  into  the  question  by  the  mere  fact 
that  the  chain  of  international  finance  as  it  is  traced 
around  the  world  discloses  at  every  link  a  Jewish  cap- 
italist, financial  fiamily,  or  a  Jewish-controlled  banking 
System.  Many  have  professed  to  see  in  this  circum- 
stance a  conscious  organization  of  Jewish  power  for 


18  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

Gentile  control,  while  others  have  attributed  the  cir- 
cumstance to  Jewish  racial  sympathies,  to  the  con- 
tinuity of  their  family  affairs  down  the  line  of  descent, 
and  to  the  increase  of  collateral  branches.  In  the  old 
Scriptural  phrase,  Israel  grows  as  the  vine  grows,  ever 
shooting  out  new  branches  and  deepening  old  roots, 
but  always  part  of  the  one  vine. 

The  Jew's  aptitude  for  dealing  with  governments 
may  also  be  traced  to  the  years  of  his  persecution.  He 
early  learned  the  power  of  gold  in  dealing  with  mer- 
cenary enemies.  Wherever  he  went  there  followed 
him  like  a  curse  the  aroused  antipathy  of  other  peoples. 
The  Jew  was  never  popular  as  a  race;  even  the  most 
fervid  Jew  will  not  deny  that,  howsoever  he  may  ex- 
plain it.  Individuals  have  been  popular,  of  course; 
many  phases  of  Jewish  nature  are  found  to  be  very 
lovable  when  known;  but  nevertheless  one  of  the  bur- 
dens the  Jews  have  had  to  bear  as  a  race  is  this  burden 
of  racial  unpopularity.  Even  in  modern  times,  in 
civilized  countries,  in  conditions  which  render  persecu- 
tion absolutely  impossible,  this  unpopularity  exists. 
And  what  is  more,  the  Jew  has  not  seemed  to  care  to 
cultivate  the  friendship  of  the  Gentile  masses,  due 
perhaps  to  the  failures  of  experience,  but  due 
more  likely  to  his  inborn  persuasion  that  he  belongs  to 
a  superior  race.  Whatever  the  true  reason,  he  has 
always  placed  his  main  dependence  on  cultivating 
friendship  with  kings  and  nobles.  What  cared  the 
Jew  if  the  people  gnashed  their  teeth  against  him, 
so  long  as  the  king  and  the  court  were  his  friends? 
Thus  there  was  always,  even  through  most  of  the 
severely  trying  times,  "a  court  Jew,"  one  who  had 
bought  by  loans  and  held  by  the  strangle-hold  of  debt 
an  entrance  to  the  king's  chamber.  The  policy  of  the 
Jews  has  always  been  to  "go  to  headquarters."  They 
never  tried  to  placate  the  Russian  people,  but  they  did 
endeavor  to  enlist  the  Russian  court.  They  never 
tried  to  placate  the  German  people,  but  they  did  suc- 
ceed in  permeating  the  German  court.  In  England 
they  shrug  their  shoulders  at  the  outspoken  anti-Jew 
reactions  of  the  British  populace — what  care  they? 
Have  they  not  all  of  lorddom  at  their  heels,  do  they  not 
hold  the  strings  of  Britain's  purse? 

Through  this  ability  of  theirs  to  "go  to  headquar- 


THE  JEW   IN   CHARACTER  AND   BUSINESS  19 

ters"  it  is  possible  to  account  for  the  stronghold  they 
got  upon  various  governments  and  nations.  Added  to 
this  ability  was,  of  course,  the  ability  to  produce  what 
the  governments  wanted.  If  a  government  wanted  a 
loan,  the  Jew  at  court  could  arrange  it  through  Jews 
at  other  financial  centers  and  political  capitals.  If  one 
government  wanted  to  pay  another  government  a  debt 
without  risking  the  precious  metal  to  a  mule  train 
through  a  robber-infested  country,  the  Jew  at  court 
arranged  that  too.  He  transferred  a  piece  of  paper 
and  the  debt  was  paid  by  the  banking  house  at  the  for- 
eign capital.  The  first  time  an  army  was  ever  fed  in 
the  modern  commissary  way,  it  was  done  by  a  Jew — 
he  ha,d  the  capital  and  he  had  the  system ;  moreover  he 
had  the  delight  of  having  a  nation  for  his  customer. 

And  this  tendency,  which  served  the  race  so  well 
throughout  the  troublous  centuries,  shows  no  sign  of 
abatement.  Certainly,  seeing  to  what  an  extent  a  race 
numerically  so  unimportant  influences  the  various 
governments  of  the  world  today,  the  Jew  who  reflects 
upon  the  disparity  between  his  people's  numbers  and 
their  power  may  be  pardoned  if  he  sees  in  that  fact  a 
proof  of  their  racial  superiority. 

It  may  be  said  also  that  Jewish  inventiveness  in 
business  devices  continues  to  the  present  time,  as 
well  as  Jewish  adaptability  to  changing  conditions. 
The  Jew  is  credited  with  being  the  first  to  establish 
branch  houses  in  foreign  countries  in  order  that  respon- 
sible representatives  of  the  home  office  might  be  on  the 
ground  taking  instant  advantage  of  every  opening. 
During  the  war  a  great  deal  was  said  about  the  "peace- 
ful penetration"  which  the  "German  Government" 
had  effected  in  the  United  States  by  establishing  here 
branch  offices  and  factories  of  German  firms.  The 
fact  that  there  were  many  German  branch  houses  here 
is  unquestionable.  It  should  be  known,  however,  that 
they  were  not  the  evidence  of  German  enterprise  but  of 
Jewish  enterprise.  The  old  German  business  houses 
were  too  conservative  to  "run  after  customers"  even 
in  the  hustling  United  States,  but  the  Jewish  firms  were 
not,  and  they  came  straight  to  America  and  hustled. 
In  due  time  the  competition  forced  the  more  conserv- 
ative German  firms  to  follow  suit.  But  the  idea  was 
Jewish  in  its  origin,  not  German. 


20  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

Another  modern  business  method  whose  origin  is 
credited  to  Jewish  financiers  is  that  by  which  related 
industries  are  brought  together,  as  for  example,  if  an 
electrical  power  company  is  acquired,  then  the  street 
railway  company  using  the  electricity  would  be  ac- 
quired too,  one  purpose  being  in  this  way  to  conserve 
all  the  profit  accruing  along  the  fine,  from  the  origina- 
tion of  the  power  dowij  to  the  delivery  of  the  street  car 
ride;  but  perhaps  the  main  purpose  being  that,  by  the 
control  of  the  power  house  the  price  of  current  could  be 
increased  to  the  car  company,  and  by  the  control  of 
the  car  company  the  cost  of  a  ride  could  be  increased 
to  the  public,  the  controllers  thus  receiving  an  addi- 
tional profit  all  down  the  line.  There  is  much  of  this 
going  on  in  the  world  today,  and  in  the  United  States 
particularly.  The  portion  of  the  business  immediately 
next  to  the  ultimate  consumer  explains  that  its  costs 
have  risen,  but  it  does  not  explain  that  the  costs 
were  increased  by  the  owners  and  not  by  outsiders  who 
were  forced  to  do  so  by  economic  pressure. 

There  is  apparently  in  the  world  today  a  central 
financial  force  which  is  playing  a  vast  and  closely  or- 
ganized game,  with  the  world  for  its  table  and  univer- 
sal control  for  its  stakes.  The  people  of  civihzed  coun- 
tries have  lost  all  confidence  in  the  explanation  that 
"economic  conditions"  are  responsible  for  all  the 
changes  that  occur.  Under  the  camouflage  of  "eco- 
nomic law"  a  great  many  phenomena  have  been  ac- 
counted for  which  were  not  due  to  any  law  whatever 
except  the  law  of  the  selfish  human  will  as  operated 
by  a  few  men  who  have  the  purpose  and  the  power  to 
work  on  a  wide  scale  with  nations  as  their  vassals. 

Whatever  else  may  be  national,  no  one  today  be- 
lieves that  finance  is  national.  Finance  is  interna- 
tional. Nobody  today  believes  that  international 
finance  is  in  any  way  competitive.  There  are  some 
independent  banking  houses,  but  few  strong  independ- 
ent ones.  The  great  masters,  the  few  whose  minds 
see  clearly  the  entire  play  of  the  plan,  control  numer- 
ous banking  houses  and  trust  companies,  and  one  is 
used  for  this  while  another  is  used  for  that,  but  there 
is  no  disharmony  between  them,  no  correction  of  each 
other's  methods,  no  competition  in  the  interests  of  the 
business  world.     There  is  as  much  unity  of  policy  be- 


THE  JEW    IN   CHARACTER   AND   BUSINESS  21 

tween  the  principal  banking  houses  of  every  country 
as  there  is  loetween  the  various  branches  of  the  United 
States  Post  Office — and  for  the  same  reason,  namely, 
they  are  all  operated  from  the  same  source  and  for  the 
S9,me  purpose. 

Just  before  the  war  Germany  bought  very  heavily 
in  American  cotton  and  had  huge  quantities  of  it  tied 
up  here  for  export.  When  war  came,  the  ownership 
of  that  mountainous  mass  of  cotton  wealth  changed 
in  one  night  from  Jewish  names  in  Hamburg  to  Jewish 
names  in  London.  At  this  writing  cotton  is  selling  in 
England  for  less  than  it  is  selling  in  the  United  States, 
and  the  effect  of  that  is  to  lower  the  American  price. 
When  the  price  lowers  sufficiently,  the  market  is 
cleared  of  cotton  by  buyers  previously  prepared,  and 
then  the  price  soars  to  high  figures  again.  In  the 
meantime,  the  same  powers  that  have  engineered  the 
apparently  causeless  strengthening  and  weakening  of 
the  cotton  market,  have  seized  upon  stricken  Ger- 
many to  be  the  sweatshop  of  the  world.  Certain 
groups  control  the  cotton,  lend  it  to  German}^  to  be 
manufactured,  leave  a  pittance  of  it  there  in  payment 
for  the  labor  that  was  used,  and  then  profiteer  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  world  on  the  lie  that  "cot- 
ton is  scarce."  And  when,  tracing  all  these  anti- 
social and  colossally  unfair  methods  to  their  source,  it 
is  found  that  the  responsible  parties  all  have  a  com- 
mon characteristic,  is  it  any  wonder  that  the  warning 
which  comes  across  the  sea — "Wait  until  America 
becomes  awake  to  the  Jew!" — has  a  new  meaning? 

Certainly,  economic  reasons  no  longer  explain  the 
condition  in  which  the  world  finds  itself  today.  Neither 
does  the  ordinar}^  explanation  of  "the  heartlessness  of 
capital."  Capital  has  .endeavored  as  never  before  to 
meet  the  demands  of  labor,  and  labor  has  gone  to 
extremes  in  leading  capital  to  new  concessions — but 
what  has  it  advantaged  either  of  them?  Labor  has 
heretofore  thought  that  capital  was  the  sky  over  it, 
and  it  made  the  sky  yield,  but  behold,  there  was  yet  an 
higher  sky  which  neither  capital  nor  labor  had  seen  in 
their  struggles  one  with  another.  That  sky  is  so  far 
unyielding.       > 

That  which  we  call  capital  here  in  America  is  usual- 
ly money  used  in  production,  and  we  mistakenly  refer 


22  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

to  the  manufacturer,  the  manager  of  work,  the  pro- 
vider of  tools  and  jobsT— we  refer  to  him  as  the  "capi- 
talist." Oh,  no.  He  is  not  the  capitalist  in  the  real 
sense.  Why,  he  himself  must  go  to  capitalists  for  the 
money  with  which  to  finance  his  plans.  There  is  a 
power  yet  above  him — a  power  which  treats  him  far 
more  callously  and  holds  him  in  a  more  ruthless  hand 
than  he  would  ever  dare  display  to  labor.  That,  in- 
deed, is  one  of  the  tragedies  of  these  times,  that  "la- 
bor" and  "capital"  are  fighting  each  other,  when  the 
conditions  against  which  each  one  of  them  protests, 
and  from  which  each  one  of  them  suffers,  is  not  within 
their  power  to  remedy  at  all,  unless  they  find  a  way  to 
wrest  world  control  from  that  group  of  international 
financiers  who  create  and  control  both  these  condi- 
tions. 

There  is  a  super-capitalism  which  is  supported 
wholly  by  the  fiction  that  gold  is  wealth.  There  is  a 
super-government  which  is  allied  to  no  government, 
which  is  free  from  them  all,  and  yet  which  has  its  hand 
in  them  all.  There  is  a  race,  a  part  of  humanity, 
which  has  never  yet  been  received  as  a  welcome  part, 
and  which  has  succeeded  in  raising  itself  to  a  power 
that  the  proudest  Gentile  race  has  never  claimed — not 
even  Rome  in  the  days  of  her  proudest  power.  It  is 
becoming  more  and  more  the  conviction  of  men  all  over 
the  world  that  the  labor  question,  the  wage  question, 
the  land  question  cannot  be  settled  until  first  of  all  this 
matter  of  an  international  super-capitalistic  govern- 
ment is  settled. 

"To  the  victor  belongs  the  spoils"  is  an  old  saying. 
And  in  a  sense  it  is  true  that  if  all  this  power  of  con- 
trol has  been  gained  and  held  by  a  few  men  of  a  long- 
despised  race,  then  either  they  are  super-men  whom  it 
is  powerless  to  resist,  or  they  are  ordinary  men  whom 
the  rest  of  the  world  has  permitted  to  obtain  an  undue 
and  unsafe  degree  of  power.  Unless  the  Jews  are 
super-men,  the  Gentiles  will  have  themselves  to  blame 
for  what  has  transpired,  and  they  can  look  for  rectifica- 
tion in  a  new  scrutiny  of  the  situation  and  a  candid  ex- 
amination of  the  experiences  of  other  countries. 


Iisue  of  May  22,  1920. 


Germany's  Reaction  Against 
the  Jew 

HUMANITY  has  become  wise  enough  to  discuss 
those  forms  of  physical  sickness  over  which  it 
formerly  drew  the  veil  of  shame  and  secrecy,  but 
political  hygiene  is  not  so  far  advanced.  The  main 
source  of  the  sickness  of  the  German  national  body  is 
charged  to  be  the  influence  of  the  Jews,  and  although 
this  was  apparent  to  acute  minds  years  ago,  it  is  now 
said  to  have  gone  so  far  as  to  be  apparent  to  the  least 
observing.  The  eruption  has  broken  out  on  the  sur- 
face of  the  body  politic,  and  no  further  concealment 
of  this  fact  is  possible.  It  is  the  belief  of  all  classes  of 
the  German  people  that  the  collapse  which  has  come 
since  the  armistice,  and  the  revolution  from  which 
they  are  being  prevented  a  recovery,  are  the  result  of 
Jewish  intrigue  and  purpose.  They  declare  it  with 
assurance ;  they  offer  a  mass  of  facts  to  confirm  it ;  they 
believe  that  history  will  provide  the  fullest  proof. 

The  Jew  in  Germany  is  regarded  as  only  a  guest  of 
the  people;  he  Jias  offended  by  trying  to  turn  himself 
into  the  host.  There  are  no  stronger  contrasts  in  the 
world  than  the  pure  Germanic  and  the  pure  Semitic 
races;  therefore,  there  hap  been  no  harmony  between 
the  two  in  Germany;  the  German  has  regarded  the 
Jew  strictly  as  a  guest,  while  the  Jew,  indignant  at  not 
being  given  the  privileges  of  the  nation-family,  has 
cherished  animosity  against  his  host.  In  other  coun- 
tries the  Jew  is  permitted  to  mix  more  readily  with  the 
people,  he  can  amass  his  control  unchallenged;  but  in 
Germany  the  case  was  different.  Therefore,  the  Jew 
hated  the  German  people;  therefore,  the  countries  of 
the  world  which  were  most  dominated  by  the  Jews 
showed  the  greatest  hatred  of  Germany  during  the  re- 
cent regrettable  war.  Jewish  hands  were  in  almost 
exclusive  control  of  the  engines  of  publicity  by  which 
public  opinion  concerning  the  German  people  was 
molded.     The  sole  winners  of  the  war  were  Jews. 

But  assertion  is  not  enough;   proof  is  wanted; 


24  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

therefore,  consider  the  evidence.  What  occurred  im- 
mediately upon  the  change  from  the  old  regime  to  the 
new?  The  cabinet  composed  of  six  men,  which  sub- 
stituted the  Minister  of  State,  was  dominated  by  the 
Jews  Haase  and  Landsberg.  Haase  had  control  of 
foreign  affairs;  his  assistant  was  the  Jew  Kautsky,  a 
Czech,  who  in  1918  was  not  even  a  German  citizen. 
Also  associated  with  Haase  were  the  Jews  Cohn  and 
Herzfeld.  The  Jew  Schiffer  was  Financial  Minister  of 
State,  assisted  by  the  Jew  Bernstein.  The  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  was  the  Jew  Preuss,  with  the  Jew  Dr. 
Freund  for  his  assistant.  The  Jew  Fritz  Max  Cohen, 
who  was  correspondent  of  the  Frankfurter  Zeitung  in 
Copenhagen,  was  made  government  publicity  agent. 

The  kingdom  of  Prussia  duplicated  this  condition 
of  affairs.  The  Jews  Hirsch  and  Rosenfeld  dominated 
the  cabinet,  with  Rosenfeld  controlling  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice,  and  Hirsch  in  the  Department  of  the 
Interior.  The  Jew  Simon  was  in  charge  of  the  Trea- 
sury Department.  The  Prussian  Department  of  Jus- 
tice was  wholly  manned  and  operated  by  Jews.  The 
Director  of  Education  was  the  Jew  Furtran  with  the 
assistance  of  the  Jew  Arndt.  The  Director  of  the 
Colonial  Office  was  the  Jew  Meyer-Gerhard.  The  Jew 
Kastenberg  was  director  of  the  Department  of  Art. 
The  War  Food  Supply  Department  was  directed  by 
the  Jew  Wurm,  while  in  the  State  Food  Department 
were  the  Jews  Prof.  Dr.  Hirsch  and  the  Geheimrat  Dr. 
Stadthagen.  The  Soldiers'  and  Workmen's  Commit- 
tee was  directed  by  the  Jew  Cohen,  with  the  Jews 
Stern,  Herz,  Lowenberg,  Frankel,  Israelowicz,  Lauben- 
heim,  Seligsohn,  Katzenstein,  Laufenberg,  Heimann, 
Schlesinger,  Merz  and  Weyl  having  control  of  various 
activities  of  that  committee. 

The  Jew  Ernst  is  chief  of  police  at  Berlin;  in  the 
same  office  at  Frankfurt  is  the  Jew  Sinzheimer;  in 
Munich  the  Jew  Steiner;  in  Essen  the  Jew  Levy.  It 
wil!  be  remembered  that  the  Jew  Eisner  was  President 
of  Bavaria,  his  financial  minister  being  the  Jew  Jaffe. 
Bavaria's  trade,  commerce  and  industry  were  in  con- 
trol of  the  half-Jew  Brentano.  The  Jews  Lipsinsky 
and  Schwarz  were  active  in  the  government  of  Saxony; 
the  Jews  Thalheimer  and  Heiman  in  Wurtemberg;  the 
Jew  Fulda  in  Hessen. 


GERMANY'S    REACTION    AGAINST   THE   JEW  25 

Two  delegates  sent  to  the  Peace  Conference  were 
Jews  and  a  third  was  notoriously  the  tool  of  Jewish 
purposes.  In  addition  Jews  swarmed  through  the  Ger- 
man delegation  as  experts  and  advisors — Max  War- 
burg, Dr.  Von  Strauss,  Merton,  Oskar  Oppenheimer, 
Dr.  Jaffe,  Deutsch,  Brentano,  Bernstein,  Struck, 
Rathenau,  Wassermann  and  Mendelsohn-Bartholdi. 

As  to  the  part  which  Jews  from  other  countries  had 
in  the  Peace  Conference,  German  observers  declare 
that  any  candid  student  may  discover  by  reading  the 
accounts  of  impartial  non-Jewish  recorders  of  that 
event.  Only  the  non-Jewish  historians  seem  to  have 
been  struck  by  the  fact;  the  multitude  of  Jewish 
writers  apparently  judged  it  wise  to  conceal  it. 

Jewish  influence  in  German  affairs  came  vstrongly 
to  the  front  during  the  war.  It  came  with  all  the  di- 
rectness and  attack  of  a  flying  wedge,  as  if  previously 
prepared.  The  Jews  of  Germany  were  not  German 
patriots  during  the  war,  and  although  this  will  not 
appear  a  crime  in  the  eyes  of  the  nations  who  were  op- 
posed to  Germany,  it  may  throw  some  light  on  the 
Jew's  assertion  of  patriotic  loyalty  to  the  land  where 
he  lives.  Thoughtful  Germans  hold  that  it  is  impos- 
sible for  the  Jew  to  be  a  patriot,  for  reasons  which  will 
presently  be  given. 

The  point  to  be  considered  is  the  general  claim  that 
the  persons  already  named  would  not  have  obtained 
the  positions  in  which  they  were  found  had  it  not  been 
for  the  Revolution,  and  the  Revolution  would  not  have 
come  had  not  they  brought  it.  It  is  true  that  there 
were  unsatisfactory  conditions  in  Germany,  but  they 
could  and  would  have  been  adjusted  by  the  people 
themselves;  the  conditions  which  destroyed  the  peo- 
ple's morale  and  were  made  impossible  of  reform  were 
in  control  of  the  Jews. 

The  principal  Jewish  influences  which  are  charged 
with  bringing  about  the  downfall  of  German  order  may 
be  named  under  three  heads:  (a)  the  spirit  of  Bol- 
shevism which  masqueraded  under  the  name  of  Ger- 
man Socialism;  (b)  Jewish  ownership  and  control  of" 
the  Press;  (c)  Jewish  control  of  the  food  supply  and 
the  industrial  machinery  of  the  country.  There  was 
a  fourth,  "higher  up,"  but  these  worked  upon  the 
German  people  directly. 


26  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

As  it  is  possible  that  German  conclusions  upon  this 
matter  may  be  received  doubtfully  by  peoples  whose 
public  opinion  has  been  shaped  by  Jewish  influence,  it 
may  help  to  quote  George  Fitter- Wilson,  of  the  Lon- 
don Globe,  who  wrote  early  in  April,  1919,  "Bolshe- 
vism is  the  dispossession  of  the  Christian  nations  of  the 
world  to  such  an  extent  that  no  capital  will  remain  in 
the  hands  of  the  Christians,  that  all  Jews  may  jointly 
hold  the  world  in  their  hands  and  reign  wherever  they 
choose."  As  early  as  the  second  year  of  the  war,  Ger- 
man Jews  were  preaching  that  Germany's  defeat  was 
necessary  to  the  rise  of  the  proletariat,  at  which  time 
Strobel  declared,  "I  openly  admit  that  a  full  victory  of 
the  country  would  not  be  in  the  interest  of  the  Social 
Democrats."  Everywhere  it  was  preached  that  "the 
exaltation  of  the  proletariat  after  a  won  victory  is  an 
impossibility."  These  instances,  out  of  many,  are 
cited  not  to  reopen  the  military  question  but  to  show 
how  the  so-called  German  Jew  forgot  loyalty  to  the 
country  in  which  he  lived  and  joined  the  outside  Jews 
in  accomplishing  the  collapse  of  Germany,  and  not 
merely,  as  we  shall  see,  to  rid  Germany  of  militarism, 
which  every  thoughtful  German  desired,  but  to  throw 
the  country  into  such  confusion  as  to  permit  them  to 
seize  control. 

The  press  of  Germany  echoed  this  plan  of  the  Jew- 
ish spokesmen,  at  first  faintly,  then  boldly.  The  Ber- 
liner Tageblatt  and  the  Munchner  Neuester  Nach- 
richteri  were  during  the  whole  war  official  and  semi- 
official organs  of  the  government.  They  were  owned 
and  controlled  by  Jews,  as  was  also  the  Frankfurter 
Zeitung  and  a  host  of  smaller  papers  that  were  their 
spiritual  dependents.  These  .papers,  it  is  charged, 
were  really  German  editions  of  the  Jew-controlled 
press  of  the  Allied  countries,  and  their  purpose  was 
the  same.  One  of  the  great  pieces  of  research  that 
ought  to  be  undertaken  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the 
world  how  its  thought  is  manufactured  for  it  every 
day,  and  for  what  ulterior  purposes,  is  this  union  of  the 
Jewish  press,  which  passes  for  the  Public  Press, 
throughout  the  world. 

The  food  and  supplies  of  the  people  quickly  passed 
into  Jewish  hands  as  soon  as  the  war  emergency  came, 
and  then  began  a  period  of  dishonesty  which  destroyed 


GERMANY'S    REACTION    AGAINST   THE   JEW  27 

the  confidence  of  tfie  bravest.  Like  all  other  patriotic 
people,  the  (German  people  knew  that  war  meant  sacri- 
fice and  sufferino;,  and  like  other  people  they  were  will- 
ing to  share  the  common  lot.  But  they  found  them- 
selves preyed  upon  by  a  class  of  Jews  who  had  pre- 
pared everythino;  to  make  profit  out  of  the  common 
distress.  Immediately  Jews  appeared  in  banks,  war 
companies,  distribution  societies,  and  the  ministries  of 
supplies — wherever  the  life  of  the  people  could  be 
speculated  in  or  taxed.  Articles  that  were  plentiful 
disappeared,  only  to  reappear  again  at  high  prices. 
The  war  companies  were  exclusively  Jewish,  and  al- 
though the  government  attempted  to  regulate  the  out- 
go of  food  in  the  interests  of  all  the  people,  it  became 
notorious  that  those  with  money  could  get  all  of  any- 
thing they  wanted,  regardless  of  the  food  cards.  The 
Jews  simply  trebled  the  price  of  the  goods  they  let  go 
without  the  cards,  and  so  kept  a  stream  of  the  nation's 
gold  flowing  into  their  private  treasuries.  None  of  the 
government's  estimates  of  the  food  stocks  could  be  de- 
pended on,  because  of  the  hidden  hoards  on  which 
these  speculators  drew.  This  began  to  disturb  the 
morale  of  the  people,  and  complaints  were  made  and 
prosecutions  started;  but  as  soon  as  the  cases  came 
up  it  was  discovered  that  the  prosecutor  appointed  to 
charge  and  the  commissioner  appointed  to  judge  were 
also  Jews,  and  so  the  cases  usually  wore  themselves 
out  without  results.  When,  however,  a  German  mer- 
chant was  caught,  great  noise  was  made  about  it,  and 
the  penalty  placed  upon  him  was  equal  to  what  all  the 
others  should  have  had.  Go  the  length  and  breadth 
of  Germany  today,  say  the  reports,  study  the  temper 
of  the  people,  and  you  will  discover  that  the  abuse  of 
power  by  the  Jews  has  burned  across  Germany's  mem- 
ory like  a  hot  iron. 

While  these  influences  were  undermining  the  mass 
of  the  people,  higher  influences  of  Jewish  origin  were 
operating  upon  the  government.  The  advisers  of  the 
Bethmann-Hollweg  government  were  the  great  ship 
magnate,  Ballin,  a  Jew;  Theodor  Wolff,  of  the  Berliner 
Tageblatt  and  member  of  the  Pan- Jewish  press;  Von 
Gwinner,  director  of  the  German  Bank  who  is  ocn- 
nected  by  marriage  with  the  great  Jew. bankers,  :he 
Speyers;  and  Rathenau,  the  leader  of  Jewish  Indus- 


28  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

trial-financial  activities.  These  men  were  at  the 
source  of  things  and  were  bending  the  government  as 
the  other  influences  were  bending  the  people. 

The  rich  German  Jew  could  buy  the  recognition  he 
desired  by  acquiring  financial  power  over  those  inter- 
ests which  most  directly  affected  the  ruling  class  of 
Germany,  but  how  was  the  poor  Jew  to  gain  the  recog- 
nition he  desired? — for  all  Jews  are  actuated  by  the 
same  desire;  it  is  in  them;  they  feel  the  spur  to  mastery. 
Having  explored  the  conquest  of  the  higher  circles  by 
Jewish  money-power,  there  is  yet  to  explore  the  con- 
quest of  the  body  of  the  nation  by  Jews  who  had  no 
money  except  what  they  could  seize  in  the  disorder 
which  they  caused.  The  analysis  that  is  given,  fol- 
lows : 

The  Jew  is  not  an  anarchist.  He  is  not  a  destruc- 
tionist.  All  this  is  true,  notwithstanding  he  is  the 
world's  Bolshevist  and  preeminently  Germany's  revo- 
lutionist. His  anarchy  is  not  ingrain,  it  is  a  device 
which  he  uses  for  a  purpose.  The  rich  Jew  is  not  an 
anarchist,  because  he  can  achieve  what  he  desires  by 
more  subtle  methods.  The  poor  Jew  has  no  other  re- 
course. But  rich  and  poor  go  jointly  for  a  long  stretch; 
the  bond  of  sympathy  between  them  never  breaks;  for, 
if  the  anarchy  is  successful,  then  the  poor  Jew  shall 
take  his  place  with  the  rich  Jew;  and  if  the  anarchy 
is  not  successful,  it  has  nevertheless  served  to  break 
up  new  fields  in  which  the  rich  Jew  may  operate. 

In  Germany  it  was  possible  for  the  poor  Jew  to 
thrust  himself  up  through  the  wall  of  Germanism 
above  him  only  by  breaking  it  up.  In  Russia  the  same 
was  true.  The  social  system  had  encrusted  around 
the  Jew,  keeping  him  in  a  position  where,  as  the  na- 
tions knew  by  experience,  he  would  be  less  harmful. 
As  nature  encysts  the  harmful  foreign  element  in  the 
flesh,  building  a  wall  around  it,  so  nations  have  found 
it  expedient  to  do  with  the  Jew.  In  modern  times, 
however,  the  Jew  has  found  a  means  of  knocking  down 
the  walls  and  throwing  the  whole  national  house  into 
confusion,  and  in  the  darkness  and  riot  that  follows, 
seize  the  place  he  has  long  coveted.  When  Russia 
broke,  who  came  first  to  light?  Kerensky,  who  is  a 
Jew.  But  his  plans  were  not  radical  enough,  and  then 
came  Trotsky,  another  Jew.     Trotsky  found  the  sys- 


GERMANY'S    REACTION    AGAINST    THE   JEW  29 

tem  too  strong  for  him  to  break  in  America — he  broke 
through  the  weak  spot  in  Russia  and  would  extend  that 
weakness  round  the  world.  Every  commissar  in  Rus- 
sia today  is  a  Jew,  Publicists  are  accustomed  to  speak 
of  Russia  as  if  it  were  in  disorder.  It  may  be  that 
Russia  is,  but  the  Jewish  government  of  Russia  is  not. 
From  a  mass  of  underlings,  the  Jews  of  Russia  came  up 
a  perfect  phalanx,  a  flying  wedge  through  the  superin- 
duced disorder,  as  if  every  man's  place  had  been  previ- 
ously prepared  for  him. 

That  also  is  the  way  it  was  in  Germany.  The  Ger- 
man ceiling  had  to  be  broken,  as  it  were,  before  the 
poor  Jews  could  realize  their  ambition.  When  the 
break  was  made  they  swarmed  through  and  settled  in 
places  of  control  above  the  nation. 

This  may  explain  why  Jews  the  world  over  supply 
the  energy  of  disruptive  movements.  It  is  understood 
that  the  young  Jews  of  the  United  States  are  propa- 
gandists of  an  ideal  that  would  practically  abolish  the 
United  States.  The  attack  is  aimed,  of  course,  against 
"capitalism,"  which  means  the  present  government  of 
the  world  by  the  Gentile.  The  true  capitalists  of  the 
world  are  Jews,  who  are  capitalists  for  capital's  sake. 
It  is  hard  to  believe  that  they  wish  to  destroy  capital ; 
they  wish  to  obtain  sole  control  of  it,  and  their  wish 
has  long  been  in  fair  way  to  fulfillment. 

In  Germany,  therefore,  as  in  Russia,  distinction  is 
made  between  the  methods  of  the  rich  and  of  the  poor 
Jews,  because  one  method  affects  the  government  and 
the  other  the  morale  of  the  people,  but  both  converge 
on  the  same  objective.  It  is  not  only  desire  to  escape 
oppression  that  actuates  the  lower  classes  of  Jews,  but 
desire  to  gain  control — for  the  spirit  of  mastery  pulses 
strong  within  them.  German  convictions  on  this  ques- 
tion have  reached  the  place  where  they  may  be  ex- 
pressed thus:  Revolution  is  the  expression  of  the  Jews' 
will  to  power.  Parties  such  as  the  socialists,  democrats 
and  freethinkers  are  but  tools  for  the  Jewish  plan  to 
power.  The  so-called  "dictatorship  of  the  proletariat" 
is  really  and  practically  the  dictatorship  of  Jews. 

So  suddenly  have  German .  eyes  been  opened,  so 
stormfully  wrathful  has  been  the  reaction,  that  the 
word  has  gone  out  through  German  Judaism  to  retire 
to  the  second  trench.     There  has  been  a  sudden  and 


30  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

concerted  abandonment  of  office  wherever  the  office 
made  direct  contact  with  the  pubhc;  there  has,  how- 
ever, been  no  abandonment  of  power.  What  will  hap- 
pen in  Germany  is  not  now  known.  Some  regrettable 
things  have  already  happened.  But  the  ^ermans  will 
doubtless  prove  themselves  equal  to  the  situation  by 
devising  methods  of  control  at  once  unobjectionable 
and  effective.  But  as  to  Russia,  it  is  hardly  doubtful 
any  longer  what  .will  happen  there.  When  Russia 
turns,  a  shudder  will  run  through  the  earth. 

How  Gentile  Germany  and  Russia  look  at  the  en- 
tire question  may  be  summarized  as  follows: 
(  Judaism  is  the  most  closely  organized  power  on 
earth,  even  more  than  the  British  Empire.  It  forms 
a  State  whose  citizens  are  unconditionally  loyal 
wherever  they  may  be  and  whether  rich  or  poor.! 

The  name  which  is  given  in  Germany  to  this  Srate 
which  circulates  among  all  the  states  is  "All-Judaan." 

The  means  of  power  of  the  State  of  All-Judaan  are 
capital  and  journalism,  or  money  and  propaganda. 

All-Judaan  is  the  only  State  that  exercises  world 
government;  all  the  other  States  can  and  may  exer- 
cise national  government  only. 

The  principal  culture  of  All-Judaan  is  journalistic; 
the  technical,  scientific,  literary  performances  of  the 
modern  Jew  are  throughout  journalistic  performances. 
They  are  due  to  the  marvelous  talent  of  the  Jews  for 
receptivity  of  others'  ideas.  Capital  and  Journalism 
are  joined  in  the  Press  to  create  a  political  and  spir- 
itual medium  of  Jewish  power. 

The  government  of  this  state  of  All-Judaan  is  won- 
derfully organized.  Paris  was  its  first  seat,  but  has 
now  been  moved  to  third  place.  Before  the  war  Lon- 
don was  its  first,  and  New  York  its  second  capital.  It 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  New  York  will  now  sup- 
plant London — the  drift  is  toward  America. 

As  All-Judaan  is  not  in  a  position  to  have  a  stand- 
ing army  and  navy,  other  states  supply  these  for  it. 
Its  fleet  is  the  British  fleet  which  guards  from  hin- 
drance the  progress  of  all-Jewish  world  economy,  or 
that  part  of  it  which  depends  on  the  a  In  return, 
All-Judaan  assures  Britain  an  undit?t  irbed  political 
and  territorial  world  rule.  All-Judaan  !  as  added  Pal- 
.estine  to  British  control.     Wherever  there  was  an  All- 


GERMANY'S    REACTION    AGAINST    THE   JEW  31 

Judaan  land  force  (whatever  national  uniform  it  might 
wear),  it  worked  with  the  British  navy. 

All-Judaan  is  willing  to  entrust  the  government  of 
various  strips  of  the  world  to  the  nationalistic  govern- 
ments; it  only  asks  to  control  the  governments.  Ju- 
daism is  passionately  in  favor  of  perpetuating  national- 
istic divisions  for  the  Gentile  world.  For  themselves, 
Jews  never  become  assimilated  with  any  nation.  They 
are  a  separate  people,  always  were  and  always  will  be. 

All-Judaan's  only  quarrel  with  any  nation  occurs 
when  that  nation  makes  it  impossible  for  All-Judaan 
to  control  that  nation's  industrial  and  financial  profits.  , 
It  can  make  war,  it  can  make  peace;  it  can  command 
anarchy  in  stubborn  cases,  it  can  restore  order.  It 
holds  the  sinews  of  world  power  in  its  hand  and  it  ap- 
portions them  among  the  nations  in  such  ways  as  will 
best  support  All-Judaan's  plan. 

^Controlling  the  world's  sources  of  news  jAll-Judaan 
can  always  prepare  the  minds  of  the  people  for  its  next 
move.  The  greatest  exposure  yet  to  be  made  is  the 
way  that  news  is  manufactured  and  the  way  in  which 
the  mind  of  whole  nations  is  molded  for  a  purpose. 
When  the  powerful  Jew  is  at  last  traced  and  his  hand 
revealed,  then  comes  the  ready  cry  of  persecution  and 
it  echoes  through  the  world  press.  The  real  causes  of 
the  persecution  (which  is  the  oppression  of  the  people 
by  the  financial  practices  of  the  Jews)  are  never  given 
publicity. 

All-Judaan  has  its  vice-governments  in  London  and 
New  York.  Having  wreaked  its  revenge  on  Germany 
it  will  now  go  forth  to  conquer  other  nations.  Britain 
it  already  has.  Russia  it  is  struggling  for,  but  the 
chances  are  against  it.  The  United  States,  with  its 
good-natured  tolerance  of  all  races,  offers  a  promising 
field.  The  scene  of  operations  changes,  but  the  Jew 
is  the  same  throughout  the  centuries. 


of  Mar  29.  1920. 


"At  first  sight  it  zvould  seem  as  if  the  eco- 
nomic system  of  North  America  was  the  very  one 
that  developed  independently  of  the  Jeivs  .... 
Nevertheless  I  uphold  my  assertion  that  the 
United  States  (perhaps  more  than  any  other 
land)  are  filled  to  the  brim  with  the  Jewish  spirit. 
This  is  recognised  in  many  quarters,  above  all  in 
those  best  capable  of  forming  a  judgment  on  the 
subject  .... 

"In  the  face  of  this  fact,  is  there  not  some  jus- 
tification for  the  opinion  that  the  United  States 
ozve  their  very  existence  to  the  Jevifs?  And  if 
this  be  so,  how  much  more  can  it  be  asserted  that 
Jezmsh  influence  made  the  United  States  just 
wh-at  they  are — that  is,  American?  For  what  we 
call  Americanism  is  nothing  else,  if  zue  may  say 
so,  than  the  Jewish  spirit  distilled." 
— Werner  Sofnbart,  "The  Jews  and  Modern 
Capital,"  pp.  38,  43. 


III. 


Jewish    History   in    the 
United  States 

THE  story  of  the  Jews  in  America  begins  with 
Christopher  Columbus.  On  August  2,  1492, 
more  than  300,000  Jews  were  expelled  from  Spain,  with 
which  event  Spain's  prestige  began  its  long  decline, 
and  on  August  3,  the  next  day,  Columbus  set  sail  for 
the  West,  taking  a  group  of  Jews  wdth  him.  They 
were  not,  however,  refugees,  for  the  prophetic  navi- 
gator's plans  had  aroused  the  sympathy  of  influen- 
tial Jews  for  a  long  period  previously.  Columbus 
himself  tells  us  that  he  consorted  much  with  Jews. 
The  first  letter  he  wrote  detailing  his  discoveries  was 
to  a  Jew.  Indeed,  the  eventful  voyage  itself  which 
added  to  men's  knowledge  and  wealth  "the  other  half 
of  the  earth"  was  made  possible  by  Jews. 

The  pleasant  story  that  it  was  Queen  Isabella's 
jewels  which  financed  the  voyage  has  disappeared  un- 
der cool  research.  There  were  three  Maranos  or 
"secret  Jews"  who  wielded  great  influence  at  the 
Spanish  court:  Luis  de  Santagel,  who  was  an  im- 
portant merchant  of  Valencia  and  who  was  "farmer" 
of  the  royal  taxes;  his  relative,  Gabriel  Sanchez,  who 
was  the  royal  treasurer;  and  their  friend,  the  royal 
chamberlain,  Juan  Cabrero.  These  worked  unceas- 
ingly on  Queen  Isabella's  imagination,  picturing  to  her 
the  depletion  of  the  royal  treasury  and  the  likelihood 
of  Columbus  discovering  the  fabulous  gold  of  the  In- 
dies, until  the  Queen  was  ready  to  offer  her  jewels  in 
pawn  for  the  funds.  But  Santagel  craved  permission 
to  advance  tlie  money  himself,  which  he  did,  17,000 
ducats  in  all,  about  $20,000,  perhaps  equal  to  S160,000 
today.  It  is  probable  that  the  loan  exceeded  the  ex- 
pedition's cost. 

Associated  with  Columbus  in  the  voyage  were  at 
least  five  Jews:  Luis  de  Torres,  interpreter;  Marco,  the 
surgeon;  Bernal,  the  physician;  Alonzo  de  la  Calle,  and 
Gabriel  Sanchez.  The  astronomical  instruments  and 
maps  which  the  navigators  used  were  of  Jewish  origin. 
Luis  de  Torres  was  the  first  man  ashore,  the  first  to 


^'4  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

discover  the  use  oi  tobacco;  he  settled  in  Cuba  and 
may  be  said  to  be  the  father  of  Jewish  control  of  the 
tobacco  business  as  it  exists  today. 

Columbus'  old  patrons,  Luis  de  Santagel  and  Ga- 
briel Sanchez,  received  many  privileges  for  the  part 
they  played  in  the  work,  but  Columbus  himself  be- 
came the  victim  of  a  conspiracy  fostered  by  Bernal, 
the  ship's  doctor,  and  suffered  injustice  and  imprison- 
ment as  his  reward. 

From  that  beginning,  Jews  looked  more  and  more 
to  America  as  a  fruitful  field,  and  immigration  set  in 
strongly  toward  South  America,  principally  Brazil. 
But  because  of  military  participation  in  a  disagreement 
between  the  Brazilians  and  the  Dutch,  the  Jews  of 
Brazil  found  it  necessary  to  emigrate,  which  they  did 
in  the  direction  of  the  Dutch  colony  of  what  is  now 
New  York.  Peter  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor, 
did  not  entirely  approve  of  their  settling  among  his 
people  and  ordered  them  to  leave,  but  the  Jews  had 
evidently  taken  the  precaution  to  assure  their  being 
received  even  if  not  welcomed,  because  upon  revoking 
the  order  of  Stuyvesant,  the  Directors  gave  as  one  of 
the  reasons  for  the  Jews  being  received,  "the  large 
amount  of  capital  which  they  have  invested  in  the 
shares  of  the  Company."  Nevertheless  they  were  for- 
bidden to  enter  public  service  and  to  open  retail  shops, 
which  had  the  effect  of  driving  them  into  foreign  trade 
in  which  they  were  soon  exercising  all  but  a  monopoly 
because  of  their  European  connections. 

This  is  only  one  of  the  thousand  illustrations  which 
can  be  given  of  the  resourcefulness  of  the  Jew.  For- 
bid him  in  one  direction,  he  will  excel  in  another. 
When  he  was  forbidden  to  deal  in  new  clothes,  he  sold 
old  clothes — that  was  the  beginning  of  the  organized 
traffic  in  secondhand  clothing.  When  he  was  for- 
bidden to  deal  in  merchandise,  he  dealt  in  waste — 
the  Jew  is  the  originator  of  the  waste  product  bus- 
iness of  the  world;  he  was  the  originator  of  the  salvage 
system;  he  found  wealth  in  the  debris  of  civilization. 
He  taught  people  how  to  use  old  rags,  how  to  clean 
old  feathers,  how  to  use  gall  nuts  and  rabbit  skins. 
Ha  has  always  had  a  taste  for  the  furrier  trade,  which 
he  now  controls,  and  to  him  is  due  the  multitude  of 
common  skins  which  now  pass  under  various  alluring 


JEWISH    HISTORY   IN    THE    UNITED    STATES  35 

trade  names  as  furs  of  high  origin.  The  idea  of  reno- 
vation gained  commercial  value  through  the  Jew.  In 
the  "rag  men"  who  blow  tin  horns  through  our  cities 
and  save  the  old  iron,  old  bottles,  old  paper  and  old 
fabrics,  we  have  the  commercial  descendants  of  these 
earlier  Jews  who  turned  adversit}^  into  success  by  con- 
verting the  rubbish  of  the  earth  into  material  of  value. 

Unwittingly,  old  Peter  Stuyvesant  compelled  the 
Jew  to  make  New  York  the  principal  port  of  America, 
and  though  a  majority  of  New  York  Jews  had  fled  to 
Philadelphia  at  the  time  of  the  American  Revolution, 
most  of  them  returned  to  New  York  at  the  earliest 
opportunity,  instinct  seeming  to  make  them  aware 
that  in  New  York  was  to  be  their  principal  paradise  of 
gain.  And  so  it  has  proved.  New  York  is  the  great- 
est center  of  Jewish  population  in  the  world.  It  is  the 
gateway  where  the  bulk  of  American  imports  and  ex- 
ports are  taxed,  and  where  practically  all  the  business 
done  in  America  pays  tribute  to  the  masters  of  money. 
The  very  land  of  the  city  is  practically  the  holdings  of 
the  Jews.  A  list  of  the  property  owners  of  the  me- 
tropolis reveals  only  at  rare  intervals  a  Gentile  name. 
No  wonder  that  Jewish  writers,  viewing  this  unprec- 
edented prosperity,  this  unchecked  growth  in  wealth 
and  power,  exclaim  enthusiastically  that  the  United 
States  is  the  Promised  Land  foretold  by  the  prophets, 
and  New  York  the  New  Jerusalem.  Some  have  gone 
even  further  and  described  the  peaks  of  the  Rockies 
as  "the  mountains  of  Zion,"  and  with  reason,  too,  if 
the  mining  and  coastal  wealth  of  the  Jews  is  con- 
sidered. 

The  new  v/aterways  proposal,  which  will  make  an 
ocean  port  of  practically  every  great  city  on  the  Great 
Lakes  and  take  from  New  York  the  prestige  she  has 
maintained  by  being  the  gateway  toward  which  the 
principal  railways  narrowed,  is  being  strongly  pro- 
tested at  this  time.  And  the  strongest  motive  in  op- 
posing this  most  obvious  betterment  is  that  so  much 
wealth  counted  in  New  York  is  not  wealth  at  all,  but 
fictitious  values  depending  solely  on  New  York  re- 
maining New  York.  When  anything  comes  which  will 
make  New  York  merely  a  city  on  the  coast,  and  not 
the  city  where  the  great  taxers  sit  to  levy  their  tribute, 
much  Jewish  wealth  will  decrease.     It  was  fabulous 


36  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

before  the  war.  What  it  is  now  the  statisticians  will 
hardly  undertake  to  say. 

In  fifty  years  the  increase  in  the  Jewish  population 
of  the  United  States  has  been  from  50,000  to  more 
than  3,300,000.  In  the  British  Isles  there  are  only 
300,000,  in  Palestine  only  100,000.  It  is  fortunate  for 
the  Jew  himself  that  in  Great  Britain  his  numbers  are 
not  greater,  for  the  large  and  evident  control  he  ex- 
ercises in  great  matters  would  sometimes  make  it  in- 
convenient for  the  poorer  Jew,  if  he  were  abroad  in 
England  in  large  numbers.  An  unusually  well-in- 
formed Briton  says  that  anti-Semitism  is  always  ready 
to  break  out  in  England  upon  sufficient  cause,  but  it 
cannot  break  out  against  the  inaccessible  rich  Jews 
who  control  in  politics  and  international  finance.  It 
is  probably  true  that  the  commonest  real  cause  of 
anti-Semitism  is  the  action  of  the  international  Jew 
who  is  often  unknown  and  always  secure,  but  the 
innocent  victim  of  it  is  the  poor  Jew.  Anti-Semitism, 
however,  will  be  considered  in  the  next  article. 

The  figures  representing  Jewish  population  in  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  indicate  that  the  colos- 
sal power  wielded  by  international  Jewish  financiers  is 
neither  consequent  nor  dependent  upon  their  number. 
The  arresting  fact  about  the  Jew  is  his  world-wide  un- 
challenged power,  coupled  with  comparative  numerical 
inferiority.  There  are  only  about  14,000,000  Jews  in 
the  world;  they  are  about  as  numerous  as  the  Koreans. 
This  comparison  of  their  numbers  with  the  Koreans 
will  illustrate  still  more  vividly  the  phenomenon  of 
their  power. 

In  the  time  of  George  Washington  there  were  about 
4,000  Jews  in  the  country,  most  of  them  well-to-do 
traders.  For  the  most  part  they  favored  the  American 
side.  Haym  Salomon  helped  the  Colonies  out  with 
the  loan  of  his  entire  fortune  at  a  critical  moment. 
But  they  never  assimilated,  they  did  not  take  up  the 
usual  employments  nor  farming,  they  never  seemed  to 
care  for  the  worry  of  manufacturing  things,  but  only 
for  the  selling  of  them  after  they  were  made. 

It  is  only  of  recent  years  the  Jew  has  shown  any 
capacity  for  manufacturing,  and  most  of  what  he  now 
engages  in  has  grown  up  as  an  adjunct  to  his  mer- 
chandising   plans.     By    manufacturing,    he    saves    a 


JEWISH    HISTORY    IN    THE    UNITED    STATES  37 

profit.  The  result  has  not  been  a  decrease  in  cost  to 
the  public,  but  an  increase.  It  is  characteristic  of 
Jewish  business  methods  that  economies  are  for  the 
sake  of  the  business,  not  for  the  sake  of  the  public. 
The  commodities  in  which  there  have  been  the  most 
inexcusable  and  exorbitant  increases  in  prices  to  the 
public,  and  the  lines  of  business  which  have  been  most 
quickly  frightened  into  lower  prices  without  any  ex- 
planatory change  in  the  general  situation,  have  been 
those  fines  in  which  Jews  exercise  the  widest  control. 

Business  to  the  Jewish  mind  is  money;  what  the 
successful  Jew  may  do  with  his  money  after  he  gets 
it  is  another  matter,  but  in  the  getting  of  it  he  never 
permits  "idealistic  slush"  to  interfere  with  the  dollar. 
His  dollar  of  profit  is  never  "clipped"  by  any  of  the 
voluntary  reforms  by  which  a  few  men  are  trying  to 
ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  workers. 

This  is  not  by  any  means  due  to  the  hardness  of 
the  Jewish  heart,  but  to  the  hardness  of  the  Jewish 
view  of  business.  Business  is  to  it  a  matter  of  goods 
and  money,  not  of  people.  If  you  are  in  distress  and 
suffering,  the  Jewish  heart  would  have  sympathy  for 
you;  but  if  your  house  were  involved  in  the  matter, 
you  and  your  house  would  be  two  separate  entities; 
the  Jew  would  naturally  find  it  difficult,  in  his  theory 
of  business,  to  humanize  the  house;  he  would  deal  with 
it  after  a  manner  which  other  people  would  call 
"hard,"  but  he  would  not  feel  the  charge  to  be  just; 
he  would  say  that  it  was  only  "business." 

It  is  probably  this  way  that  the  Jewish  "sweat- 
shops" of  New  York  may  be  explained.  When  the 
susceptible  people  of  the  nation  commiserated  the  poor 
Jews  of  the  New  York  sweatshops,  they  for  the  most 
part  did  not  know  that  the  inventors  and  operators  of 
the  "sweatshop"  method  were  themselves  Jews.  In- 
deed, while  it  is  the  boast  of  our  country  that  no  race 
or  color  or  creed  is  persecuted  here,  but  liberty  is  in- 
sured to  all,  still  it  is  a  fact  which  every  special  in- 
vestigator has  noted  that  the  only  heartless  treatment 
ever  accorded  the  Jew  in  the  United  States  came  from 
his  own  people,  his  overseers  and  masters.  And  yet 
there  is  no  evidence  that  either  the  "sweater"  or  the 
"sweated"  ever  thought  of  it  as  inhumanity  or  as 
"heartless."     It    was    "business."     The    "sweated" 


38  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

lived  in  the  hope  of  having  a  roomful  of  people  sewing 
for  him  or  her  some  day.  Their  endlessly  vital  inter- 
est in  "business"  and  their  unflagging  ambition  to  get 
further  up  the  ladder  and  become  masters  in  their  own 
sweatshop,  enabled  them  to  work  without  the  slightest 
sense  of  oppression  or  injustice  which,  after  all,  is  the 
sorest  thing  about  poverty.  The  Jews  never  regard 
work  as  a  calamity,  but  neither  do  they  regard  subor- 
dinate positions  as  permanently  theirs.  Thus,  they 
spend  their  energies  in  getting  up  and  out  rather  than 
in  lamenting  the  inconveniences  of  the  place  where 
they  are  and  trying  to  improve  it. 

All  this  is  individually  excellent  but  socially  harm- 
ful. The  result  is  that,  until  recently,  the  lower  ranges 
of  employment  were  wholly  unsupervised,  and  the 
higher  circles  never  felt  the  necessity  of  devising  in- 
dustrial reforms  and  benefits.  The  record  of  the  great 
Jews  in  charity  is  very  noble;  their  record  in  industrial 
reforms  is  nil.  With  commendable  sympathy  toward 
their  own  people  they  will  donate  a  part  of  their  profits 
to  rectify  some  of  the  human  need  resulting  from  the 
method  by  which  they  made  their  profits,  but  as  for 
reforming  the  method  by  which  they  get  their  profits 
in  order  that  the  resulting  need  might  be  diminished  or 
prevented,  apparently  it  has  never  occurred  to  them. 
At  least,  while  there  are  many  charitable  names  among 
the  wealthier  Jews,  there  are  no  names  that  stand  for 
an  actual,  practical  humanizing  of  industry,  its  meth- 
ods and  its  returns. 

This,  of  course,  is  unfortunate;  but  it  is  intelligible; 
more  than  that,  it  is  explanatory  of  many  things  for 
which  the  Jew  is  blamed  by  those  who  do  not  under- 
stand his  nature.  The  Jew  will  go  part  way  in  sharing 
the  results  of  his  prosperity;  he  has  not  gone  any 
length,  save  upon  outer  compulsion,  in  sharing  the 
processes,  or  sharing  wealth  in  the  making.  And  while 
the  social  effect  is  the  same  as  if  this  were  done  out  of 
cruel  insensibihty  and  inhumanity,  still  it  must  be  said 
that  mostly  it  is  done  not  out  of  such  feelings,  but  out 
of  the  Jew's  ingrain  conception  of  the  game  of  bus- 
iness. Some  proposals  of  industrial  reform  appear  as 
crazy  to  him  as  would  a  proposal  to  credit  one  base- 
ball batter's  hit  to  his  opponent's  score,  just  as  a 
matter  of  humanity. 


JEWISH    HISTORY    IN    THE    UNITED    STATES  3^ 

The  American  Jew  does  not  assimilate.  This  is 
stated,  not  to  blame  him,  but  merely  as  a  fact.  The 
Jew  could  merge  with  the  people  of  America  if  he  de- 
sired, but  he  doesn't.  If  there  is  any  prejudice  exist- 
ing against  him  in  America,  aside  from  the  sense  of 
inquiry  which  his  colossal  success  engenders,  it  is  be- 
cause of  his  aloofness.  The  Jew  is  not  objectionable 
in  his  person,  creed,  or  race.  His  spiritual  ideals  are 
shared  by  the  world.  But  still  he  does  not  assimilate; 
he  cultivates  by  his  exclusiveness  the  feeling  that  he 
does  not  "belong."  This  is  his  privilege,  and  from  one 
point  of  view  it  may  indicate  excellent  judgment,  but 
he  must  not  make  it  one  of  the  grounds  of  his  com- 
plaint against  Gentiles  in  general,  as  he  has  a  tendency 
to  do.  It  is  better  that  he  should  make  it  clear  to 
Gentiles  once  and  for  all  where  true  Jews  stand  in 
the  matter,  as  when  a  young  Jew  said — "There  is  all 
the  difference  in  the  world  between  an  American  Jew 
and  a  Jewish  American.  A  Jewish  American  is  a  mere 
amateur  Gentile,  doomed  to  be  a  parasite  forever." 

The  ghetto  is  not  an  American  product  but  the 
Jews'  own  importation.  They  have  separated  them- 
selves into  a  distinct  community.  Speaking  of  this 
matter  the  Jewish  Encyclopedia  says:  "The  social 
organization  of  the  Jews  resident  in  America  has  dif- 
fered little  from  that  in  other  countries  *  *  *  jn  the 
main,  and  without  any  compulsion,  Jews  preferred  to 
live  in  close  proximity  to  one  another,  a  peculiarity 
which  still  prevails." 

To  make  a  list  of  the  lines  of  business  controlled 
by  the  Jews  of  the  United  States  would  be  to  touch 
most  of  the  vital  industries  of  the  country — those 
which  are  really  vital,  and  those  which  cultivated  habit 
has  made  to  seem  vital.  The  theatrical  business,  of 
course,  as  everyone  knows,  is  exclusively  Jewish,  Play- 
producing,  booking,  theater  operation  are  all  in  the 
hands  of  Jews.  This  perhaps  accounts  for  the  fact 
that  in  almost  every  production  today  can  be  detected 
propaganda,  sometimes  glaringly  commercial  adver- 
tisement, which  does  not  originate  with  playwrights, 
but  with  producers. 

The  motion  picture  industry. 

The  sugar  industry. 

The  tobacco  industry. 


40  THE    INTERNATIOXAL    JEW 

Fifty  per  cent  or  more  of  the  meat  packing  in- 
dustry. 

Upward  of  60  per  cent  of  the  shoemaking  in- 
dustry. 

Men's  and  women's  ready-made  clothing. 

Most  of  the  musical  purveying  done  in  the  coun- 
try. 

Jewelry. 

Grain. 

More  recently,  cotton. 

The  Colorado  smelting  industry. 

Magazine  authorship. 

News  distribution. 

The  liquor  business. 

The  loan  business. 

These,  only  to  name  the  industries  with  national 
and  international  sweep,  are  in  control  of  the  Jews  of 
the  United  States,  either  alone  or  in  association  with 
Jews  overseas. 

The  American  people  would  be  vastly  surprised  if 
they  could  see  a  line-up  of  some  of  the  "American 
business  men"  who  hold  up  our  commercial  prestige 
overseas.  They  are  mostly  Jews.  They  have  a  keen 
sense  of  the  value  of  the  American  name,  and  when  in 
a  foreign  port  you  stroll  up  to  the  office  which  bears 
the  sign,  "American  Importing  Company,"  or  "Amer- 
ican Commercial  Company,"  or  other  similarly  non- 
committal names,  hoping  to  find  a  countryman,  an 
American,  you  usually  find  a  Jew  whose  sojourn  in 
America  appears  to  have  been  all  too  brief.  This  may 
throw  a  sidelight  on  the  regard  in  which  "American 
business  methods"  are  held  in  some  parts  of  the  world. 
When  30  or  40  different  races  of  people  can  carry  on 
business  under  the  name  "American,"  and  do  it  le- 
gally, too,  it  is  not  surprising  that  Americans  do  not 
recognize  some  of  the  descriptions  of  American  meth- 
ods which  appear  in  the  foreign  press.  The  Germans 
long  ago  complained  that  the  rest  of  the  world  was 
judging  them  by  the  German-speaking  Jewish  com- 
mercial traveler. 

Instances  of  Jewish  prosperity  in  the  United  States 
are  commonplace,  but  prosperity,  the  just  reward  of 
foresight  and  application,  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
control.     The  prosperity  of  the  Jews  can  be  had  by 


JEWISH    HISTORY    IN    THE    UNITED    STATES  41 

any  one  who  is  willing  to  pay  the  price  which  the  Jews 
pay  for  it — a  very,  very  high  price,  as  a  rule,  all  things 
considered — but  it  would  be  impossible  for  any  Gen- 
tile coalition  under  similar  circumstances  to  attain  the 
control  which  the  Jews  have  won,  for  the  reason  that 
there  is  lacking  in  the  Gentile  a  certain  quality  of  work- 
ing-togetherness, a  certain  conspiracy  of  objective,  and 
the  adhesiveness  of  intense  raciality,  which  character- 
izes the  Jew.  It  is  nothing  to  a  Gentile  that  another 
man  is  a  Gentile;  it  is  next  to  everything  to  a  Jew  that 
the  man  at  his  door  is  another  Jew.  So,  if  instances 
of  Jewish  prosperity  were  needed,  the  case  of  the  Tem- 
ple Emmanu-el,  New  York,  might  be  cited,  which  in 
1846  could  scarcely  raise  $1,520  for  its  budget,  but  in 
1868,  following  the  Civil  War,  raised  $708,755  from  the 
rental  of  231  pews.  And  the  rise  of  the  Jewish  cloth- 
ing monopoly  as  one  of  the  results  of  the  same  Civil 
War  might  be  cited  as  an  instance  of  prosperity  plus 
national  and  international  control. 

Indeed,  it  might  be  said  that  the  Jew  has  succeeded 
in  everything  he  has  attempted  in  the  United  States, 
except  farming.  The  explanation  usually  made  in 
Jewish  publications  is  that  ordinary  farming  is  far  too 
simple  to  engage  the  Jew's  intellect  and  therefore  he 
is  not  enough  interested  in  it  to  succeed,  but  that\jn 
dairy  and  cattle  farming  where  the  "brain"  is  more 
necessary  he  has  made  a  success.  Numerous  attempts 
have  been  made  in  various  parts  of  the  United  States 
to  start  Jewish  farming  colonies,  but  their  story  is  a 
series  of  failures.  Some  have  blamed  the  failures  on 
the  Jew's  lack  of  knowledge  of  scientific  farming,  others 
on  his  distaste  for  manual  labor,  others  on  the  lack  of 
the  speculative  element  in  agriculture.  In  any  case, 
he  stands  higher  in  the  non-productive  employments 
than  in  this  basically  productive  one.  Some  students 
of  the  question  state  that  the  Jew  never  was  a  man  of 
the  land,  but  always  a  trader,  for  which  assertion  one 
of  the  proofs  offered  is  the  Jews'  selection  of  Palestine 
as  their  country,  that  strip  of  land  which  formed  a 
gateway  between  East  and  West  and  over  which  the 
overland  traffic  of  the  world  passed. 


luoe  of  June  5,  1920. 


'"The  Jewish  Question  still  exists.  It  would  be 
useless  to  deny  it  ...  .  The  Jcivish  Question  ex- 
ists wherever  Jews  live  in  perceptible  numbers. 
Where  it  does  not  exist,  it  is  carried  by  Jczvs 
in  the  course  of  their  migrations.  We  naturally 
move  to  those  places  where  zve  are  not  persecuted, 
and  there  our  presence  produces  persecution  J .  .  . 
The  unfortunate  Jczus  are  nozv  carrying  anti- 
Semitism  into  England;  they  have  already  intro- 
duced it  into  America." 

— Theodor  Herd,  "A   Jewish  State,"  p.  4. 


IV 


The  Jewish  Question— Fact 
or  Fancy? 

THE  chief  difRculty  in  writing  about  the  Jewish 
Question  is  the  supersensitiveness  of  Jews  and  non- 
Jews  concerning  the  whole  matter.  There  is  a  vague 
feeling  that  even  to  openly  use  the  word  "Jew,"  or 
to  expose  it  nakedly  to  print,  is  somehow  improper. 
Polite  evasions  like  "Hebrew"  and  "Semite,"  both  of 
which  are  subject  to  the  criticism  of  inaccuracy,  are 
timidly  essayed,  and  people  pick  their  way  gingerly  as 
if  the  whole  subject  were  forbidden,  until  some  coura- 
geous Jewish  thinker  comes  straight  out  with  the 
good  old  word  "Jew,"  and  then  the  constraint  is  re- 
lieved and  the  air  cleared.  The  word  "Jew"  is  not  an 
epithet;  it  is  a  name,  ancient  and  honorable,  with  sig- 
nificance for  every  period  of  human  history,  past,  pres- 
ent and  to  come. 

There  is  extreme  sensitiveness  about  the  pubhc  dis- 
cussion of  the  Jewish  Question  on  the  part  of  Gentiles. 
They  would  prefer  to  keep  it  in  the  hazy  borderlands 
of  their  thought,  shrouded  in  silence.  Their  heritage 
of  tolerance  has  something  to  do  with  their  attitude, 
but  perhaps  their  instinctive  sense  of  the  difficulty  in- 
volved has  more  to  do  with  it.  The  principal  public 
Gentile  pronouncements  upon  the  Jewish  Question  are 
in  the  manner  of  the  truckling  politician  or  the  pleasant 
after-dinner  speaker;  the  great  Jewish- names  in  phil- 
osophy, medicine,  literature,  music  and  finance  are 
named  over,  the  energy,  ability  and  thrift  of  the  race 
are  dwelt  upon,  and  everyone  goes  home  feeling  that 
a  difficult  place  has  been  rather  neatly  negotiated. 
But  nothing  is  changed  thereby.  The  Jew  is  not 
changed.  The  Gentile  is  not  changed.  The  Jew  still 
remains  the  enigma  of  the  world. 

Gentile  sensitiveness  on  this  point  is  best  expressed 
by  the  desire  for  silence — "Why  discuss  it  at  all?"  is 
the  attitude.  Such  an  attitude  is  itself  a  proof  that 
there  is  a  problem  which  we  would  evade  if  we  could. 


44  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

"Why  discuss  it  at  all?" — the  keen  thinker  clearly  sees 
in  the  implications  of  such  a  question,  the  existence  of 
a  problem  whose  discussion  or  suppression  will  not 
always  be  within  the  choice  of  easy-going  minds. 

Is  there  a  Jewish  Question  in  Russia?  Unques- 
tionably, in  its  most  virulent  form.  Is  it  necessary 
to  meet  that  Question  in  Russia?  Undoubtedly,  meet 
it  from  every  angle  along  which  light  and  healing 
may  come. 

Well,  the  percentage  of  the  Jewish  population  of 
Russia  is  just  one  per  cent  more  than  it  is  in  the 
United  States.  The  majority  of  the  Jews  themselves 
are  not  less  well-behaved  in  Russia  than  they  are  here ; 
they  lived  under  restrictions  which  do  not  exist  here; 
yet  in  Russia  their  genius  has  enabled  them  to  attain 
a  degree  of  power  which  has  completely  baffled  the 
Russian  mind.  Whether  you  go  to  Rumania,  Rus- 
sia, Austria  or  Germany,  or  anywhere  else  that  the 
Jewish  Question  has  come  to  the  forefront  as  a  vital 
issue,  you  will  discover  that  the  principal  cause  is  the 
outworking  of  the  Jewish  genius  to  achieve  the  power 
of  control. 

Here  in  the  United  States  it  is  the  fact  of  this  re- 
markable minority — a  sparse  Jewish  ingredient  of  three 
per  cent  in  a  nation  of  110,000,000 — attaining  in  50 
years  a  degree  of  control  that  would  be  impossible  to  a 
ten  times  larger  group  of  any  other  race,  that  creates 
the  Jewish  Question  here.  Three  per  cent  of  any 
other  people  would  scarcely  occasion  comment,  be- 
cause we  could  not  meet  with  a  representative  of  them 
wherever  we  went  in  high  places — in  the  innermost 
secrecy  of  the  councils  of  the  Big  Four  at  Versailles; 
in  the  supreme  court;  in  the  councils  of  the  White 
House;  in  the  vast  dispositions  of  world  finance — 
wherever  there  is  power  to  get  or  use.  Yet  we  meet 
the  Jew  everywhere  in  the  upper  circles,  literally  every- 
where there  is  power.  He  has  the  brains,  the  initia- 
tive, the  penetrative  vision  which  almost  automati- 
cally project  him  to  the  top,  and  as  a  consequence 
he  is  more  marked  than  any  other  race. 

And  that  is  where  the  Jewish  Question  begins.  It 
begins  in  very  simple  terms — How  does  the  Jew  so 
habitually  and  so  resistlessly  gravitate  to  the  highest 
places?     What  puts  him  there?     Why  is  he  put  there? 


THE    JEWISH    QUESTION— FACT    OR    FANCY?  45 

What  does  he  do  there?  What  does  the  fact  of  his 
being  there  mean  to  the  world? 

That  is  the  Jewish  Question  in  its  origin.  From 
these  points  it  goes  on  to  others,  and  whether  the 
trend  becomes  pro-Jewish  or  anti-Semitic  depends  on 
the  amount  of  prejudice  brought  to  the  inquiry,  and 
whether  it  becomes  pro-Humanity  depends  on  the 
amount  of  insight  and  intelligence. 

The  use  of  the  word  Humanity  in  connection  with 
the  word  Jew  usually  throws  a  side-meaning  which 
may  not  be  intended.  In  this  connection  it  is  usually 
understood  that  the  humanity  ought  to  be  shown  to- 
ward the  Jew.  There  is  just  as  great  an  obligation 
upon  the  Jew  to  show  his  humanity  toward  the  whole 
race.  The  Jew  has  been  too  long  accustomed  to  think 
of  himself  as  exclusively  the  claimant  on  the  humani- 
tarianism  of  society;  society  has  a  large  claim  against 
him  that  he  cease  his  exclusiveness,  that  he  cease  ex- 
ploiting the  world,  that  he  cease  making  Jewish  groups 
the  end  and  all  of  his  gains,  and  that  he  begin  to  ful- 
fill, in  a  sense  his  exclusiveness  has  never  yet  enabled 
him  to  fulfill,  the  ancient  prophecj'-  that  through  him 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth  should  be  blessed. 

The  Jew  cannot  go  on  forever  filling  the  role  of 
suppliant  for  the  world's  humanitarianism;  he  must 
himself  show  that  quality  to  a  society  which  seriously 
suspects  his  higher  and  more  powerful  groups  of  ex- 
ploiting it  with  a  pitiless  rapacity  which  in  its  wide- 
flung  and  long  drawn-out  distress  may  be  described  as 
an  economic  pogrom  against  a  rather  helpless  hu- 
manity. For  it  is  true  that  society  is  as  helpless  be- 
fore the  well-organized  extortions  of  certain  financial 
groups,  as  huddled  groups  of  Russian  Jews  were  help- 
less against  the  anti-Semitic  mob.  And  as  in  Russia, 
so  in  America,  it  is  the  poor  Jew  who  suffers  for  the 
delinquencies  of  the  rich  exploiter  of  his  race. 

This  series  of  articles  is  already  being  met  by  an 
organized  barrage  by  mail  and  wire  and  voice,  every 
single  item  of  which  carries  the  wail  of  persecution. 
One  would  think  that  a  heartless  and  horrible  attack 
were  being  made  on  a  most  pitiable  and  helpless  people 
— until  one  looks  at  the  letterheads  of  the  magnates 
who  write,  and  at  the  financial  ratings  of  those  who 
protest,  and  at  the  membership  of  the  organizations 


46  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

whose  responsible  heads  hysterically  demand  retrac- 
tion. And  always  in  the  background  there  is  the 
threat  of  boycott,  a  threat  which  has  practically  sealed 
up  the  columns  of  every  publication  in  America  against 
even  the  mildest  discussion  of  the  Jewish  Question, 

The  Jewish  Question  in  America  cannot  be  con- 
cealed forever  by  threats  against  publications,  nor  by 
the  propagandist  publication  of  matter  extremely  and 
invariably  favorable  to  everything  Jewish.  It  is  here 
and  it  cannot  be  twisted  into  something  else  by  the 
adroit  use  of  propaganda,  nor  can  it  be  forever  silenced 
by  threats.  The  Jews  of  the  United  States  can  best 
serve  themselves  and  their  fellow-Jews  all  over  the 
world  by  letting  drop  their  far  too  ready  cry  of  "anti- 
Semitism,"  by  adopting  a  franker  tone  than  that  which 
befits  a  helpless  victim,  and  by  seeing  what  the  Jewish 
Question  is  and  how  it  behooves  every  Jew  who  loves 
his  people  to  help  solve  it. 

There  has  been  used  in  this  series  the  term  "Inter- 
national Jew."  It  is  susceptible  of  two  interpreta- 
tions: one,  the  Jew  wherever  he  may  be;  the  other,  the 
Jew  who  exercises  international  control.  The  real 
contention  of  the  world  is  with  the  latter  and  his 
satellites,  whether  Jew  or  Gentile. 

Now,  this  international  type  of  Jew,  this  grasper 
after  world-control,  this  actual  possessor  and  wielder 
of  world-control  is  a  very  unfortunate  connection  for 
his  race  to  have.  The  most  unfortunate  thing  about 
the  international  Jew,  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
ordinary  Jew,  is  that  the  international  type  is  also  a 
Jew.  And  the  significance  of  this  is  that  the  type 
does  not  grow  anywhere  else  than  on  a  Jewish  stem. 
There  is  no  other  racial  nor  national  type  which  puts 
forth  this  kind  of  person.  It  is  not  merely  that  there 
are  a  few  Jews  among  international  financial  control- 
lers; it  is  that  these  world  controllers  are  exclusively 
Jews.  That  is  the  phenomenon  which  creates  an  un- 
fortunate situation  for  those  Jews  who  are  not  and 
never  shall  be  world-controllers,  who  are  the  plain 
people  of  the  Jewish  race.  If  world-control  were  mix- 
ed, like  the  control,  say,  of  the  biscuit  business,  then 
the  occasional  Jews  we  might  find  in  those  higher 
financial  altitudes  would  not  constitute  the  problem  at 
all;  the  problem  would  then  be  limited  to  the  existence 


THE    JEWISH     QUESTION— FACT    OR     FANCY?  47 

of  world-control  in  the  hands  of  a  few  men,  of  what- 
ever race  or  lineage  they  might  be.  But  since  world- 
control  is  an  ambition  which  has  only  been  achieved 
by  Jews,  and  not  by  any  of  the  methods  usually  adopt- 
ed by  would-be  world  conquerors,  it  becomes  inevit- 
able that  the  question  should  center  in  that  remark- 
able race. 

This  brings  another  difficulty:  in  discussing  this 
group  of  world-controllers  under  the  name  of  Jews 
(and  they  are  Jews),  it  is  not  always  possible  to  stop 
and  distinguish  the  group  of  Jews  that  is  meant.  The 
candid  reader  can  usually  determine  that,  but  the  Jew 
who  is  in  a  state  of  mind  to  be  injured  is  sometimes 
pained  by  reading  as  a  charge  against  himself  what 
was  intended  for  the  upper  group.  "Then  why  not 
discuss  the  upper  group  as  financiers  and  not  as  Jews?" 
may  be  asked.  Because  they  are  Jews.  It  is  not  to 
the  point  to  insist  that  in  any  list  of  rich  men  there  are 
more  Gentiles  than  Jews;  we  are  not  talking  about 
merely  rich  men  who  have,  many  of  them,  gained  their 
riches  by  serving  a  System,  we  are  talking  about  those 
who  Control — and  it  is  perfectly  apparent  that  merely 
to  be  rich  is  not  to  control.  The  world-controUing 
Jew  has  riches,  but  he  also  has  something  much  more 
powerful  than  that. 

The  international  Jew,  as  already  defined,  rules  not 
because  he  is  rich,  but  because  in  a  most  marked  de- 
gree he  possesses  the  commercial  and  masterful  genius 
of  his  race,  and  avails  himself  of  a  racial  loyalty  and 
solidarity  the  like  of  which  exists  in  no  other  human 
group.  In  other  words,  transfer  today  the  world-con- 
trol of  the  international  Jew  to  the  hands  of  the  high- 
est commercially  talented  group  of  Gentiles,  and  the 
whole  fabric  of  world-control  would  eventually  fall  to 
pieces,  because  the  Gentile  lacks  a  certain  quality,  be 
it  human  or  divine,  be  it  natural  or  acquired,  that  the 
Jew  possesses. 

This,  of  course,  the  modern  Jew  denies.  There  is 
a  new  position  taken  by  the  modernists  among  the 
Jews  which  constitutes  a  denial  that  the  Jew  differs 
from  any  other  man  except  in  the  matter  of  religion. 
"Jew"  they  say  is  not  a  racial  designation,  but  a  re- 
ligious designation  like  "Episcopalian,"  "Catholic," 
"Presbyterian."     This  is  the  argument  used  in  news- 


48  THE    INl\tiMVATIONAL   JEW 

paper  offices  in  the  Jews'  protests  against  giving  the 
Jewish  designation  to  those  of  their  people  who  are 
implicated  in  crime — "You  don't  give  the  religious 
classifications  of  other  people  who  are  arrested,"  the 
editor  is  told,  **why  should  you  do  it  with  Jews?"  The 
appeal  to  religious  tolerance  always  wins,  and  is  some- 
times useful  in  diverting  attention  from  other  things. 

Well,  if  the  Jews  are  only  religiously  differentiated 
from  the  rest  of  the  world,  the  phenomenon  grows 
stranger  still.  For  the  rest  of  the  world  is  interested 
less  in  the  Jew's  religion  than  in  anything  else  that 
concerns  him.  There  is  really  nothing  in  his  religion 
to  differentiate  the  Jew  from  the  rest  of  mankind,  as 
far  as  the  moral  content  of  that  religion  is  concerned, 
and  if  there  were  he  would  have  overcome  that  by 
the  fact  that  his  Jewish  religion  supplies  the  moral 
structure  for  both  of  the  other  great  religions.  More- 
over, it  is  stated  that  there  are  among  English  speaking 
nations  2,000,000  Jews  who  acknowledge  their  race  and 
not  their  religion,  while  1,000,000  are  classed  as  ag- 
nostic— are  these  any  less  Jews  than  the  others?  The 
world  does  not  think  so.  The  authoritative  students 
of  human  differences  do  not  think  so.  An  Irishman 
who  grows  indifferent  to  the  Church  is  still  an  Irish- 
man, and  it  would  seem  to  be  equally  true  that  a  Jew 
who  grows  indifferent  to  the  Synagogue  is  still  a  Jew. 
He  at  least  feels  that  he  is,  and  so  does  the  non-Jew. 

A  still  more  serious  challenge  would  arise  if  this 
contention  of  the  modernists  we.re  true,  for  it  would 
necessitate  the  explanation  of  these  world-controlling 
Jews  by  their  religion.  We  should  have  to  say,  "They 
excel  through  their  religion,"  and  then  the  problem 
would  turn  on  the  religion  whose  practice  should  bring 
such  power  and  prosperity  to  its  devotees.  But  an- 
other fact  would  intervene,  namely,  that  these  world- 
controlling  Jews  are  not  notably  religious;  and  still  an- 
other fact  would  hammer  for  recognition,  namely,  the 
most  devout  believers  and  most  obedient  followers  of 
the  Jewish  religion  are  the  poorest  among  the  Jews. 
If  you  want  Jewish  orthodoxy,  the  bracing  morality  of 
the  Old  Testament,  you  will  find  it,  not  among  the 
successful  Jews,  who  have  Unitarianized  their  religion 
to  the  same  extent  that  the  Unitarians  have  Judaized 
their  Christianity,  but  among  the  poor  in  the  side 


THE    JEWISH    QUESTION— FACT    OR    FANCY?  49 

streets  who  still  sacrifice  the  Saturday  business  for 
their  Sabbath  keeping.  Certainly  their  religion  has 
not  given  them  world-control;  instead,  they  have  made 
their  own  sacrifices  to  keep  it  inviolate  against  modern- 
ism. 

Of  course,  if  the  Jew  differs  from  the  rest  of  man- 
kind only  when  he  is  in  full  accord  with  his  religion, 
the  question  becomes  very  simple.  Any  criticism  of 
the  Jew  becomes  sheer  religious  bigotry  and  nothing 
else!  And  that  would  be  intolerable.  But  it  would 
be  the  consensus  of  thoughtful  opinion  that  the  Jew 
differs  less  in  his  rehgion  than  in  anything  else.  There 
is  more  difference  between  the  two  great  branches  of 
Christianity,  more  conscious  difference,  than  between 
any  branch  of  Christianity  and  Judaism. 

So  that,  the  contention  of  certain  modernists  not- 
withstanding, the  world  will  go  on  thinking  of  the  Jew 
as  a  member  of  a  race,  a  race  whose  persistence  has 
defeated  the  utmost  efforts  made  for  its  extermination, 
a  race  that  has  preserved  itself  in  virility  and  power  by 
the  observance  of  those  natural  laws  the  violation  of 
which  has  mongrelized  so  many  nations,  a  race  which 
has  come  up  out  of  the  past  with  the  two  great  moral 
values  which  may  be  reckoned  on  monotheism  and  mo- 
nogamy, a  race  which  today  is  before  us  as  the  visible 
sign  lOf  an  antiquity  to  which  all  our  spiritual  wealth 
harks  back.  Nay,  the  Jew  will  go  on  thinking  of 
himself  as  the  member  of  a  people,  a  nation,  a  race. 
And  all  the  mixture  and  intermixture  of  thought  or 
faith  or  custom  cannot  make  it  otherwise.  A  Jew  is  a 
Jew  and  as  long  as  he  remains  within  his  perfectly 
unassailable  traditions,  he  will  remain  a  Jew.  And  he 
will  always  have  the  right  to  feel  that  to  be  a  Jew  is 
to  belong  to  a  superior  race. 

These  world-controlling  Jews  at  the  top  of  affairs, 
then,  are  there  by  virtue  of,  among  other  things,  cer- 
tain qualities  which  are  inherent  in  their  Jewish  na- 
tures. Every  Jew  has  these  qualities  even  if  not  in  the 
supreme  sense,  just  as  every  Englishman  has  Shake- 
speare's tongue  but  not  in  Shakespeare's  degree.  And 
thus  it  is  impracticable,  if  not  impossible,  to  consider 
the  international  Jew  without  laying  {he  foundations 
broadly  upon  Jewish  character  and  psychology. 

We  may  discount  at  once  the  too  common  libel  that 


50  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

this  greater  form  of  Jewish  success  is  built  upon  dis- 
honesty. It  is  impossible  to  indict  the  Jewish  people 
or  any  other  people  on  a  wholesale  charge.  No  one 
knows  better  than  the  Jew  how  widespread  is  the  no- 
tion that  Jewish  methods  of  business  are  all  unscrupu- 
lous. There  is  no  doubt  a  possibility  of  a  great  deal  of 
unscrupulousness  existing  without  actual  legal  dishon- 
esty, but  it  is  altogether  possible  that  the  reputation 
the  Jewish  people  have  long  borne  in  this  respect  may 
have  had  other  sources  than  actual  and  persistent  dis- 
honesty. 

We  may  indicate  one  of  these  possible  sources. 
The  Jew  at  a  trade  is  naturally  quicker  than  most  other 
men.  They  say  there  are  other  races  which  are  as 
nimble  at  a  trade  as  is  the  Jew,  but  the  Jew  does  not 
live  much  among  them.  In  this  connection  one  may 
remember  the  famous  joke  about  the  Jew  who  went 
to  Scotland. 

Now,  it  is  human  nature  for  the  slower  man  to 
believe  that  the  quicker  man  is  too  deft  by  far,  and 
to  become  suspicious  of  his  deftness.  Everybody  sus- 
pects the  "sharper"  even  though  his  sharpness  be  en- 
tirely honest.  The  slower  mind  is  likely  to  conceive 
that  the  man  who  sees  so  many  legitimate  twists  and 
turns  to  a  trade,  may  also  see  and  use  a  convenient 
number  of  illegitimate  twists  and  turns.  Moreover, 
there  is  always  the  ready  suspicion  that  the  one  who 
gets  "the  best  of  the  bargain"  gets  it  by  trickery 
which  is  not  above  board.  Slow,  honest,  plain-spoken 
and  straight-dealing  people  always  have  their  doubts 
of  the  man  who  gets  the  better  of  it. 

The  Jews,  as  the  records  for  centuries  show,  were  a 
keen  people  in  trade.  They  were  so  keen  that  many 
regarded  them  as  crooked.  And  so  the  Jew  became 
disliked  for  business  reasons,  not  all  of  which  were 
creditable  to  the  intelligence  or  initiative  of  his  ene- 
mies. 

Take,  for  example,  the  persecution  which  Jew  mer- 
chants once  suffered  in  England.  In  older  England 
the  merchant  class  had  many  easy-going  traditions. 
One  tradition  was  that  a  respectable  tradesman  would 
never  seek  business  but  wait  for  it  to  come  to  him. 
Another  tradition  was  that  to  decorate  one's  store 
window  with  lights  or  colors,  or  to  display  one's  stock 


THE    JEWISH    QUESTION— FACT    OR    FANCY?  51 

of  goods  attractively  in  the  view  of  the  public,  was  a 
contemptible  and  underhanded  method  of  tempting  a 
brother  tradesman's  customers  away  from  him.  Still 
another  tradition  was  that  it  was  strictly  unethical  and 
unbusinesslike  to  handle  more  than  one  line  of  goods. 
If  one  sold  tea,  it  was  the  best  reason  in  the  world  why 
he  should  not  sell  teaspoons.  As  for  advertising,  the 
thing  would  have  been  so  brazen  and  bold  that  public 
opinion  would  have  put  the  advertiser  out  of  business. 
The  proper  demeanor  for  a  merchant  was  to  seem  re- 
luctant to  part  with  his  goods. 

One  may  readily  imagine  what  happened  when  the 
Jewish  merchant  bustled  into  the  midst  of  this  jungle 
of  traditions.  He  simply  broke  them  all.  In  those 
days  tradition  had  all  the  force  of  a  divinely  promul- 
gated moral  law  and  in  consequence  of  his  initiative 
the  Jew  was  regarded  as  a  great  offender.  A  man  who 
would  break  those  trade  traditions  would  stop  at  noth- 
ing! The  Jew  was  anxious  to  sell.  If  he  could  not 
sell  one  article  to  a  customer,  he  had  another  on  hand 
^to  offer  him.  The  Jews'  stores  became  bazaars,  fore- 
runners of  our  modern  department  stores,  and  the  old 
Enghsh  custom  of  one  store  for  one  line  of  goods  was 
broken  up.  The  Jew  went  after  trade,  pursued  it,  per- 
suaded it.  He  was  the  originator  of  "a  quick  turnover 
and  small  profits."  He  originated  the  installment 
plan.  The  one  state  of  affairs  he  could  not  endure  was 
business  at  a  standstill,  and  to  start  it  moving  he 
would  do  anything.  He  was  the  first  advertiser — in 
a  day  when  even  to  announce  in  the  public  prints  the 
location  of  your  store  was  to  intimate  to  the  public 
that  you  were  in  financial  difficulties,  were  about  to  go 
to  the  wall  and  were  trying  the  last  desperate  expedi- 
ent to  which  no  self-respecting  merchant  would  stoop. 

It  was  as  easy  as  child's  play  to  connect  this  energy 
with  dishonesty.  The  Jew  was  not  playing  the  game, 
at  least  so  the  staid  English  merchant  thought.  As  a 
matter  of  fact  he  was  playing  the  game  to  get  it  all 
in  his  own  hands — which  he  has  practically  done. 

The  Jew  has  shown  that  same  ability  ever  since. 
His  power  of  analyzing  the  money  currents  amounts  to 
an  instinct.  His  establishment  in  one  country  repre- 
sented another  base  from  which  the  members  of  his 
race  could  operate.     Whether  by  the  natural  outwork- 


52  THE    INTERNi^TIOXAL   JEW 

ing  of  innate  gifts,  or  the  deliberate  plan  of  race  unity 
and  loyalty,  all  Jewish  trading  communities  had  rela- 
tions, and  as  these  trading  communities  increased  in 
wealth,  prestige  and  power,  as  they  formed  relations 
with  governments  and  great  interests  in  the  countries 
where  they  operated,  they  simply  put  more  power  into 
the  central  community  wherever  it  might  be  located, 
now  in  Spain,  now  in  Holland,  now  in  England. 
Whether  by  intention  or  not,  they  became  more  close- 
ly allied  than  the  branches  of  one  business  could  be, 
because  the  cement  of  racial  unity,  the  bond  of  racial 
brotherhood  cannot  in  the  very  nature  of  things  exist 
among  the  Gentiles  as  it  exists  among  the  Jews.  Gen- 
tiles never  think  of  themselves  as  Gentiles,  and  never 
feel  that  they  owe  anything  to  another  Gentile  as 
such.  Thus  they  have  been  convenient  agents  of  Jew- 
ish schemes  at  times  and  in  places  when  it  was  not  ex- 
pedient that  the  Jewish  controllers  should  be  pubhcly 
known;  but  they  have  never  been  successful  competi- 
tors of  the  Jew  in  the  field  of  world-control. 

From  these  separated  Jewish  communities  went 
power  to  the  central  community  where  the  master 
bankers  and  the  master  analysts  of  conditions  lived. 
And  back  from  the  central  community  flowed  informa- 
tion of  an  invaluable  character  and  assistance  wherever 
needed.  It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  how,  under 
such  a  condition,  the  nation  that  did  not  deal  kindly 
with  the  Jews  was  made  to  suffer,  and  the  nation 
that  yielded  to  them  their  fullest  desire  was  favored 
by  them.  And  it  is  credibly  stated  that  they  have 
made  certain  nations  feel  the  power  of  their  dis- 
pleasure. 

This  system,  if  it  ever  existed,  exists  in  greater 
power  today.  It  is  today,  however,  threatened  as  it 
has  never  been.  Fifty  years  ago,  international  bank- 
ing, which  was  mostly  in  control  of  the  Jews  as  the 
money  brokers  of  the  world,  was  on  top  of  business. 
It  exercised  the  supercontrol  of  governments  and 
finance  everywhere.  Then  came  that  new  thing,  In- 
dustry, which  expanded  to  a  degree  unguessed  by  the 
shrewdest  prophets  and  analysts.  As  Industry  gath- 
ered strength  and  power  it  became  a  powerful  money 
magnet,  drawing  the  wealth  of  the  world  in  its  train, 
not,  however,  merely  for  the  sake  of  possessing  the 


THE  JEWISH   QUESTION'— FACT   OR  FAXCY?  S3 

money,  but  of  making  it  work.  Production  and  profit 
on  production,  instead  of  loans  and  interest  on  loans, 
became  the  master  method  for  a  time.  The  war  came, 
in  which  the  former  broker-masters  of  the  world  had 
undoubtedly  their  large  part.  And  now  the  two  forc- 
es, Industry  and  Finance,  are  in  a  struggle  to  see 
whether  Finance  is  again  to  become  the  master,  or 
creative  Industry.  This  is  one  of  the  elements  which 
is  bringing  the  Jewish  Question  to  the  bar  of  public 
opinion. 

To  state  this  and  to  prove  it  may  be  nothing  more 
than  to  establish  the  superiority  of  Jewish  ability. 
Certainly  it  is  not  a  tenable  position  to  say  that  the 
Jew  is  extraordinarily  successful  and  therefore  must 
be  curbed.  It  would  be  equally  aside  from  the  truth 
to  say  that  the  co-ordination  of  Jewish  activity  has 
been,  on  the  whole,  a  harmful  thing  for  the  world.  It 
may  be  possible  to  show  that  up  to  this  point  it  has 
been  useful.  Success  cannot  be  attacked  nor  con- 
demned. If  any  moral  question  arises  at  all,  it  must 
concern  the  use  made  of  the  success  which  has  been 
attained.  The  whole  matter  centers  there,  after  the 
previous  fact  is  estabhshed.  May  the  Jew  go  on  as 
he  has  gone,  or  does  his  duty  to  the  world  require 
another  use  of  his  success? 

This  inquiry  obviously  leads  to  further  discussion, 
as  well  as  a  gathering  up  of  the  remaining  threads 
of  the  present  discussion,  which  future  articles  will 
attempt  to  do. 


"To  this  end  we  must  organise.  Organise,  in 
the  first  place,  so  that  the  world  may  have  proof 
of  the  extetit  and  the  intensity  of  our  desire  for 
liberty.  Organise,  in  the  second  place,  so  that 
our  resources  may  become  knoivn  and  be  made 
available  .... 

"Organise,  organise,  organise,  until  every  Jew 
must  stand  up  and  be  counted — counted  zvith  us, 
or  prove  hitnself,  zvittingly  or  unwittingly,  of  the 
few  who   are   against    their  own  people." 

— Louis  D.  Brandeis,  Justice   of   the   United 
States     Supreme     Court,       "Zionism,"     pp. 
113,  114. 


V 


Anti-Semitism— Will  It  Appear 

in  the  U.  S.? 

ANYONE  who  essays  to  discuss  the  Jewish  Ques- 
i\  tion  in  the  United  States  or  anywhere  else  must  be 
fully  prepared  to  be  regarded  as  an  Anti-Semite,  in 
high-brow  language,  or  in  low-brow  language,  a  Jew- 
baiter.  Nor  need  encouragement  be  looked  for  from 
people  or  from  press.  The  people  who  are  awake 
to  the  subject  at  all  prefer  to  wait  and  see  how  it  all 
turns  out;  while  there  is  probably  not  a  newspaper  in 
America,  and  certainly  none  of  the  advertising  me- 
diums which  are  called  magazines,  which  would  have 
the  temerity  even  to  breathe  seriously  the  fact  that 
such  a  Question  exists.  The  press  in  general  is  open 
at  this  time  to  fulsome  editorials  in  favor  of  everything 
Jewish  (specimens  of  the  same  being  obtainable  almost 
anywhere),  while  the  Jev/ish  press,  which  is  fairly 
numerous  in  the  United  States,  takes  care  of  the 
vituperative  end. 

Of  course,  the  only  acceptable  explanation  of  any 
public  discussion  at  present  of  the  Jewish  Question  is 
that  some  one — writer,  or  publisher,  or  a  related  in- 
terest— is  a  Jew-hater.  That  idea  seems  to  be  fixed; 
it  is  fixed  in  the  Jew  by  inheritance;  it  is  sought  to  be 
fixed  in  the  Gentile  by  propaganda,  that  any  writing 
which  does  not  simply  cloy  and  drip  in  sirupy  sweet- 
ness toward  things  Jewish  is  born  of  prejudice  and 
hatred.  It  is,  therefore,  full  of  lies,  insult,  insinua- 
tion, and  constitutes  an  instigation  to  massacre.  These 
terms  are  culled  at  random  from  Jewish  editorial  utter- 
ances at  hand. 

It  would  seem  to  be  necessary  for  our  Jewish  citi- 
zens to  enlarge  their  classification  of  Gentiles  to  in- 
clude the  class  which  recognizes  the  existence  of  a 
Jewish  Question  and  still  is  not  anti-Semitic. 

There  are  four  distinct  parties  traceable  among  the 
Jews  themselves.  First,  those  whose  passionate  pur- 
pose is  to  keep  Jewish  faith  and  life  alive  at  the  cost 
of  any  sacrifice  of  popularity  or  success;  second,  those 


56  THE    INTERNi5[(TIONAL    JEW 

who  are  willing  to  make  whatever  sacrifice  may  be 
needed  to  preserve  Jewish  religion,  but  are  not  so 
particular  about  the  traditional  customs  of  Jewish 
life;  third,  those  who  have  no  very  strong  convictions 
either  way,  but  are  opportunists,  and  will  always 
swerve  in  the  direction  of  success;  and,  fourth,  those 
who  believe  and  preach  that  the  only  solution  of  the 
differences  between  the  Jew  and  other  men  is  the 
complete  absorption  of  the  Jewish  race  by  the  other 
races.  The  fourth  is  the  weakest,  most  unpopular 
and  least  to  be  considered  of  all  the  parties. 

With  Gentiles  there  are  only  two  classes,  as  far  as 
this  special  question  is  concerned:  those  who  dislike 
Jews,  they  cannot  tell  why;  and  those  who  are  dis- 
posed to  fairness,  in  spite  of  the  accident  of  con- 
geniality or  uncongeniality,  and  who  recognize  the 
Jewish  Question  as,  at  least,  a  problem.  Both  these 
attitudes,  whenever  they  become  apparent,  are  sub- 
ject to  the  charge  of  "anti-Semitism." 

Anti-Semitism  is  a  term  which  is  bandied  about 
too  loosely.  It  ought  to  be  reserved  to  denote  the  real 
anti-Jewish  temper  of  violent  prejudice.  If  used  in- 
discriminately about  all  who  attempt  to  discuss  Jew- 
ish characteristics  and  Jewish  world-power,  it  may  in 
time  arrive  at  the  estate  of  respectability  and  honor. 

Anti-Semitism  in  almost  every  form  is  bound  to 
come  to  the  United  States;  indeed,  it  may  be  said 
that  it  is  here  now,  and  has  been  here  for  a  long  time. 
If  it  be  mislabeled  now,  the  United  States  will  not  be 
able  to  work  within  it  the  transformation  which  has 
been  effected  upon  so  many  other  ideas  that  have 
arrived  here  in  their  journey  round  the  globe. 

I. 

It  may  be  a  serviceable  clearing  of  the  ground  to 
define  what  anti-Semitism  is  not: 

1.  It  is  not  recognition  of  the  Jewish  Question. 
If  it  were,  then  it  could  be  set  down  that  the  bulk  of 
the  American  people  are  destined  to  become  anti- 
Semites,  for  they  are  beginning  to  recognize  the  ex- 
istence of  a  Jewish  Question  and  will  steadily  do  so 
in  increasing  numbers  as  the  Question  is  forced  upon 
them  from  the  various  practical  angles  of  their  lives. 


ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL  IT  APPEAR  IN  THE  U.   S.?         57 

The  Question  is  here.  We  may  be  honestly  blind  to 
it.  We  may  be  timidly  silent  about  it.  We  may 
even  make  dishonest  denial  of  it.  But  it  is  here.  In 
time  all  will  have  to  recognize  it.  In  time  the  polite 
"hush,  hush"  of  over-sensitive  or  intimidated  circles 
will  not  be  powerful  enough  to  suppress  it.  But  to 
recognize  it  will  not  mean  that  we  have  gone  over 
to  a  campaign  of  hatred  and  enmity  against  the  Jews. 
It  will  only  mean  that  a  stream  of  tendency  which  has 
been  flowing  through  our  civilization  has  at  last  ac- 
cumulated bulk  and  power  enough  to  challenge  atten- 
tion, to  call  for  some  decision  with  regard  to  it,  to  call 
for  the  adoption  of  a  policy  which  will  not  repeat  the 
mistakes  of  the  past  and  yet  will  forestall  any  pos- 
sible social  menace  of  the  future. 

2.  Again,  the  pubhc  discussion  of  the  Jewish 
Question  is  not  anti-Semitism.  Publicity  is  sanitary. 
The  publicity  given  the  Jewish  Question,  or  certain 
aspects  of  it,  in  this  country  has  been  very  mislead- 
ing. It  has  been  discussed  more  fully  in  the  Jewish 
press  than  elsewhere,  but  not  with  candor  or  breadth 
of  vision.  The  two  dominant  notes — they  are  sound- 
ed over  and  over  again  with  monotonous  regularity 
in  the  Jewish  press — are  Gentile  unfairness  and 
Christian  prejudice.  These  apparently  are  the  two 
chief  aspects  of  life  which  impress  Jewish  publicists 
when  they  look  over  the  line  of  their  own  race.  It 
is  said  in  all  soberness  that  it  is  fortunate  for  Jews 
generally  that  the  Jewish  press  does  not  circulate 
very  widely  among  Gentiles,  for  it  is  probably  the 
one  established  agency  in  the  United  States  which, 
without  altering  its  program  in  the  least,  could  stir 
up  anti-Jewish  sentiment  by  the  simple  expedient  of 
a  general  reading  among  non-Jews.  Jewish  writers 
writing  for  Jewish  readers  present  unusual  material 
for  the  study  of  race  consciousness  and  its  accom- 
paniment of  contempt  for  other  races.  It  is  true 
that  in  the  publications  referred  to,  America  is  con- 
stantly praised,  but  not  America  as  the  land  of  the 
American  people;  America,  rather,  as  the  land  of 
the  Jews'  opportunity. 

On  the  side  of  the  daily  press,  there  has  been  no 
serious  discussion  at  all.  This  is  neither  surprising  nor 
reprehensible.     The  daily  press  deals  with  matters  that 


58  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

have  reached  the  overheated  stage.  When  it  mentions 
the  Jews  at  all,  it  has  stock  phrases  for  the  purpose;  the 
effort  includes  a  list  of  the  famous  Jews  of  history,  and 
usually  closes  with  complimentary  references  to  certain 
local  Jews  of  commendable  qualities,  whose  advertise- 
ments are  not  infrequently  found  in  another  part  of  the 
paper.  Summing  up,  it  may  be  said  that  the  publicity 
given  the  question  in  this  country  consists  in  misrepre- 
sentative  criticism  of  the  Gentiles  by  the  Jewish  press 
and  misrepresentative  praise  of  the  Jews  by  the  non- 
Jewish  press.  An  independent  effort  to  give  a  con- 
structive publicity  cannot,  therefore,  be  laid  to  anti- 
Semitism,  even  when  some  of  the  statements  which  are 
made  in  the  course  of  it  arouse  the  resentment  of  Jewish 
readers. 

3.  Nor  is  it  anti-Semitism  to  say  that  the  suspicion 
is  abroad  in  every  capital  of  civilization  and  the  cer- 
tainty is  held  by  a  number  of  important  men  that  there 
is  active  in  the  world  a  plan  to  control  the  world,  not  by 
territorial  acquisition,  not  by  military  aggression,  nor 
by  governmental  subjection,  not  even  by  economic  con- 
trol in  the  scientific  sense,  but  by  control  of  the  ma- 
chinery of  commerce  and  exchange.  It  is  not  anti- 
Semitism  to  say  that,  nor  to  present  the  evidence  which 
supports  that,  nor  to  bring  the  proof  of  that.  Those 
who  could  best  disprove  it  if  it  were  not  true  are  the 
international  Jews  themselves,  but  they  have  not  dis- 
proved it.  Those  who  could  best  prove  it  would  be 
those  Jews  whose  ideals  include  the  good  of  the  whole 
of  humanity  on  an  equality  and  not  the  good  of  one  race 
only,  but  they  have  not  proved  it.  Some  day  a  pro- 
phetic Jew  may  arise  who  will  see  that  the  promises 
bestowed  upon  the  Ancient  People  are  not  to  be  fulfilled 
by  Rothschild  methods,  and  that  the  promise  that  all  the 
nations  were  to  be  blessed  through  Israel  is  not  to  be 
fulfilled  by  making  the  nations  the  economic  vassals  of 
Israel ;  and  when  that  time  comes  we  may  hope  for  a  re- 
direction of  Jewish  energy  into  channels  that  will  drain 
the  present  sources  of  the  Jewish  Question.  In  the 
meantime,  it  is  not  anti-Semitism,  it  may  even  be  found 
to  be  a  world  service  to  the  Jew,  to  throw  light  on  what 
purpose  motivates  certain  higher  circles. 

If  the  above  propositions  are  true,  then  the  term 
"anti-Semitic,"  so  freely  bestowed  on  this  series  of 


ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL  IT  APPEAR  IN  THE  U.  S.?         59 

articles,  betrays  a  worse  spirit  in  the  critics  than  in  the 
author.  But  enough  of  that.  There  is  much  yet  to  do, 
and  what  is  done  must  stand  on  what  merit  remains 
after  friend  and  foe  ahke  are  through  with  praise  and 
blame. 

II. 

Anti-Semitism  has  unquestionably  swayed  large 
sections  of  humanity  at  various  times,  warping  the 
vision,  twisting  the  characters  and  staining  the  hands  of 
its  victims,  but  the  most  amazing  statement  that  can  be 
made  of  it  is  that  it  has  never  accomplished  anything  in 
behalf  of  those  who  used  it,  and  it  has  never  taught  any- 
thing to  the  Jews  against  whom  it  was  used. 

The  grades  of  anti-Semitism  are  fairly  numerous, 
and  a  few  of  them  may  be  cited  here : 

1.  There  is  first  that  degree  of  anti-Semitism,  if  it 
may  be  so  described,  which  consists  in  a  plain  dislike  of 
the  Jew  as  a  person,  no  matter  whom  he  may  be.  This 
is  often  found  in  people  of  all  grades.  It  is  found 
mostly,  however,  in  those  whose  contact  with  Jews  has 
been  very  limited.  It  begins  sometimes  in  childhood 
with  an  instinctive  dislike  for  the  word  "Jew."  It  is 
encouraged  by  the  misuse  of  the  word  "Jew"  as  an  epi- 
thet, or  as  an  adjective  generally  descriptive  of  unpopu- 
lar practices.  The  feeling  is  not  different  from  that 
which  exists  toward  Gentiles,  concerning  whom  the 
same  notions  are  held,  but  it  differs  in  that  it  is  extended 
to  the  race  of  unknown  individual  Jews  instead  of  being 
restricted  to  known  individuals  who  haay  justify  such  a 
feeling. 

Congeniality  is  not  within  our  choice,  but  control  of 
the  sentiment  of  uncongeniality  is.  Every  fair-minded 
person  is  compelled  at  times  to  reflect  that  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  the  person  for  whom  he  feels  a  dislike  may 
be  as  good  and  possibly  a  better  person  than  he.  Our 
dislike  merely  registers  the  result  of  attraction  and  re- 
pulsion as  they  operate  between  another  person  and 
oneself;  it  does  not  indicate  that  the  disliked  person  is 
unworthy.  Of  course,  wherever  intelligence  is  joined 
with  this  instinctive  withdrawal  from  social  contact 
with  members  of  the  Jewish  race,  prejudice  is  fore- 
stalled, except,  of  course,  in  those  persons  who  hold  that 
there  are  no  individuals  among  the  Jews  worthy  of  re- 


60  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

spect.  This  is  an  extreme  attitude  and  is  composed  of 
other  elements  beside  natm'al  dishke.  It  is  possible  for 
people  to  dislike  Jews  and  not  be  anti-Semitic.  Indeed, 
it  is  not  at  all  uncommon,  it  grows  more  and  more  com- 
mon, that  intelligent  and  refined  Jews  themselves  do  not 
rehsh  the  society  of  their  own  people  except  in  cases  of 
exceptional  refinement. 

This  really  calls  for  some  comment  on  the  manners 
and  characteristics  of  the  ordinary  member  of  the  Jew- 
ish race,  the  accidents  of  behavior  which  stand  out  most 
obnoxiously  and  of  which  Jews  themselves  are  oft^en  the 
most  unsparing  critics,  but  these  comments  must  fall 
into  place  later. 

2.  A  second  stage  of  the  spirit  of  anti-Semitism 
may  be  designated  as  hatred  and  enmity.  It  should  be 
noted  that  the  antipathy  referred  to  immediately  above 
was  not  hatred.  Dislike  is  not  hatred,  nor  is  it  neces- 
sarily enmity.  One  may  dislike  sugar  in  his  tea  without 
troubling  to  hate  sugar.  But  undoubtedly  there  are 
people  who  because  they  have  let  their  dislikes  deepen 
into  prejudice,  and  perhaps  also  because  of  unpleasant 
experiences  with  members  of  the  Jewish  race  (probably 
a  million  Americans  have  been  brought  to  the  verge  of 
becoming  Jew-haters  this  winter  because  of  contact  with 
Jewish  merchants  and  landlords)  may  be  classified  as, 
at  least,  incipient  anti-Semites.  This  is  most  of  all  un- 
fortunate for  the  persons  who  harbor  these  emotions. 
It  is  unfortunate  in  that  it  unfits  the  mind  to  consider 
intelligently  the  facts  which  constitute  the  Jewish  Ques- 
tion, and  also  unfits  it  to  deal  with  them  in  a  fair  and 
constructive  way.  For  one's  own  sake,  whatever  the 
provocation  otherwise,  it  is  better  not  to  let  passion  de- 
flect the  needle  of  one's  mind.  Hatred  at  the  wheel 
means  hazard  on  the  course.  Enmity  lives  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  the  Jews  more  than  of  any  other  race,  and  the 
reason  for  this  is  one  of  the  puzzles  of  the  ages.  The 
Jewish  nature  itself,  as  shown  in  ancient  and  modern 
history,  is  not  without  its  own  share  of  enmity,  and  it 
either  evokes  or  provokes  enmity  where  it  comes  in  con- 
tact with  those  Aryan  races  which  follow  their  natural 
impulses  unchecked  by  cultural  and  ethical  influences. 
This  age-long  conflict  of  the  Jew  has  puzzled  the  minds 
of  students  for  generations.  Some  explain  it  Biblically 
as  the  curse  of  Jehovah  upon  His  Chosen  People  for 


ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL  IT  APPEAR  IN  THE  U.  S.?         61 

their  disobedience  to  the  disciphne  by  which  He  would 
have  made  them  the  Prophet  Nation  of  the  world.  If 
this  offense  must  come,  if  it  is  part  of  the  Jew's  heritage, 
an  old  saying — Christian  and  Scriptural,  by  the  way — 
would  still  remain  true:  "It  must  needs  be  that  of- 
fenses come,  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  offense 
Cometh." 

3.  In  some  parts  of  the  world  at  various  times  this 
feeUng  of  hatred  has  broken  into  murderous  violence, 
which  has  roused,  as  wholesale  phjj-sical  outrage  always 
does,  the  horror  and  resentment  of  humanity.  This  is 
the  extreme  form  in  which  anti-Semitism  has  exhibited 
itself,  and  it  is  the  charge  of  intending  to  stimulate  it 
here  and  elsewhere  which  every  public  discussion  of  the 
Jewish  Question  has  to  bear.  There  is,  of  course,  no 
excuse  for  these  outbreaks,  but  there  is  sufficient  ex- 
planation of  them.  The  Jews  usually  explain  them  as 
expressions  of  religious  prejudice,  and  the  Gentiles  as 
rebellion  against  an  economic  yoke  which  the  Jews  have 
woven  for  the  people.  It  is  an  astonishing  fact  that,  to 
take  one  country,  the  parts  of  Russia  where  anti-Semitic 
violence  has  been  most  marked  are  the  most  prosperous 
parts,  so  prosperous  indeed  and  with  a  prosperity  so  un- 
questionably due  to  Jewish  enterprise  that  the  Jews 
have  openly  declared  that  they  have  the  power  to  throw 
those  parts  of  Russia  back  into  commercial  lethargy 
again  by  simply  withdrawing.  It  is  utterly  idle  to 
throw  denials  at  this  statement.  It  is  confirmed  time 
and  time  again  by  men  who  have  ^nv:  to  Russia  full  of 
Tesentmerit  against  the  attitude  of  the  Russians  toward 
-trhe-Jerrs,  as  that  attitude  is  represented  in  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  press,  aiul  who  have  come  home  with  a  new  light 
-onthe  cause  of  these  outbreaks,  though  not  excusing 
their  character.  Impartial  observers  have  also  found 
that  some  of  the  outbreaks  have  been  precipitated  by 
the  Jews  themselves.  A  correspondent,  known  the 
world  over  for  his  trenchant  defense  of  the  Jews  under 
Russian  persecution,  was  always  bitterly  attacked  by 
the  Jews  themselves  whenever  he  stated  the  truth  about 
this,  notwithstanding  his  protest  to  them  that  if  he  did 
not  tell  the  truth  when  they  were  in  the  wrong  the 
world  would  not  be  readj^  to  believe  him  when  he  said 
they  were  blameless.  To  this  day,  in  every  country, 
the  Jews  are  slow  to  admit  blameworthiness  for  any- 


62  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

thing.  They  must  be  excused,  whoever  else  may  be 
accused.  It  is  a  trait  which  will  have  to  be  disciplined 
before  they  can  be  brought  to  assist,  if  ever  they  can, 
the  removal  of  those  characteristics  which  arouse  the 
antagonism  of  other  peoples.  Elsewhere  in  the  world, 
it  may  be  said  that  out-and-out  enmity  to  the  Jews  has 
an  economic  basis.  This,  of  course,  leads  to  the  ques- 
tion whether  the  Jew  shall  have  to  become  a  deliberate 
failure,  or  deny  his  genius,  and  forego  his  just  meed  of 
prosperity  before  he  can  win  the  approval  of  the  other 
races — a  question  which  will  arise  for  discussion  later. 

As  to  the  religious  'prejudice  which  the  Jews  are,  as  a 
rule,  readiest  to  affirm,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  it  does  not 
exist  in  the  United  States.  Yet  it  is  charged  up  to 
Americans  by  Jewish  writers  just  as  freely  as  it  is 
charged  up  to  Russians.  Each  non-Jew  reader  is  com- 
petent to  settle  this  for  himself.  He  can  easily  do  so  by 
asking  himself  whether  in  all  his  life  he  has  ever  felt  a 
moment's  resentment  against  the  Jew  on  account  of  his 
reUgion.  In  an  address  recently  delivered  in  a  Jewish 
lodge  and  reported  in  the  Jewish  press,  the  speaker,  a 
Jew,  stated  that  if  100  non-Jews  on  the  street  were  ap- 
proached at  random  and  casually  asked  what  a  Jew  is, 
the  reply  of  the  majority  would  be,  "He  is  a  Christ- 
killer."  One  of  the  best  known  and  most  highly  re- 
spected rabbis  in  the  United  States  said  recently  in  a 
sermon  that  children  in  Christian  Sunday  schools  were 
taught  to  regard  the  Jew  as  a  Christ-killer.  He  re- 
peated it  in  a  conversation  several  weeks  later. 

It  would  probably  be  the  testimony  of  Christians 
generally  that  they  never  heard  this  term  until  they 
heard  it  in  a  Jewish  complaint,  and  certainly  themselves 
never  used  it.  The  charge  is  absurd.  Let  the  20,000r 
000  now  in  the  Christian  Sunday  schools  of  Canada  and 
the  United  States  testify  as  to  the  instruction  given. 
There  is  no  hesitation  in  stating  that  there  is  no  preju- 
dice whatever  in  the  Christian  churches  against  the  Jew 
on  account  of  his  religion.  On  the  contrary,  there  is 
not  only  a  deep  sense  of  indebtedness,  but  a  feeling  of 
sharing  with  the  Jew  in  his  religion.  The  Sunday 
schools  of  the  Christian  churches  of  the  world  are  spend- 
ing six  months  of  this  year  studying  the  International 
Lessons  which  are  appointed  for  the  Books  of  the 
Judges,  Ruth,  First  and  Second  Samuel  and  the  Books 


ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL  IT  APPEAR  IN  THE  U.  S.?         63 

of  the  Kings,  and  every  year  is  devoted  in  part  to  the 
Old  Testament. 

Here,  however,  is  something  for  Jewish  reUgious 
leaders  to  consider:  there  is  more  downright  bitterness 
of  rehgious  prejudice  on  the  part  of  the  Jews  against 
Christianity  than  could  ever  be  possible  in  the  Christian 
churches  of  America,  Simply  take  the  church  press  of 
America  and  compare  it  with  the  Jewish  press  in  this 
regard,  and  there  is  no  answer.  No  Christian  editor 
would  think  it  either  Christian  or  intelligent  to  attack 
the  Jewish  religion,  yet  any  six  months'  survey  of  the 
Jewish  press  would  yield  a  mass  of  attack  and  prejudice 
on  the  other  side.  Moreover,  no  religious  bitterness  in 
America  attains  within  infinite  distances  to  that  bitter- 
ness visited  upon  the  Jew  who  becomes  a  Christian  in 
his  faith.  It  amounts  almost  to  a  holy  vendetta.  A 
Christian  may  become  a  Jewish  proselyte  and  his  mo- 
tives be  respected;  it  is  never  so  when  a  Jew  becomes  a 
Christian.  These  statements  are  true  of  both  the 
orthodox  and  liberal  wings  of  Judaism. "  It  is  not  his 
religion  that  gives  prominence  to  the  Jew  today;  it  is 
something  else.  And  yet,  with  undeviating  monotony, 
it  is  repeated  wherever  the  Jew  takes  cognizance  of  the 
feeling  toward  him  that  it  is  on  account  of  three  things, 
first  and  most  prominent  of  which  is  his  religion.  It 
may  be  comforting  to  him  to  think  that  he  is  suffering 
for  his  faith,  but  it  is  not  true.  Every  intelligent  Jew 
must  know  it. 

Every  Jew  ought  to  know  also  that  in  every  Chris- 
tian church  where  the  ancient  prophecies  are  received 
and  studied,  there  is  a  great  revival  of  interest  in  the 
future  of  the  Ancient  People.  It  is  not  forgotten  that 
certain  Promises  were  made  to  them  regarding  their  po- 
sition in  the  world,  and  it  is  held  that  these  prophecies 
will  be  fulfilled.  The  future  of  the  Jew,  as  prophetically 
outlined,  is  intimately  bound  up  with  the  future  of  this 
planet,  and  the  Christian  church  in  large  part — at  least 
by  the  evangelical  wing,  which  the  Jews  most  condemn 
— sees  a  Restoration  of  the  Chosen  People  yet  to  come. 
If  the  mass  of  the  Jews  knew  how  understandingly  and 
sympathetically  all  the  piophecies  concerning  them  are 
being  studied  in  the  Church,  and  the  faith  that  exists 
that  these  prophecies  will  find  fulfillment  and  that  they 
will  result  in  great  Jewish  service  to  society  at  large, 


64  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

they  would  probably  regard  the  Church  with  another 
mind.  They  would  at  least  know  that  the  Church  does 
not  believe  that  it  will  be  the  instrument  in  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Jews — a  point  on  which  Jewish  leaders  are 
tragically  misled  and  which  evokes  more  bitterness  than 
anything  else — but  that  it  depends  on  quite  other  in- 
struments and  conditions,  which  it  is  not  the  function 
of  this  article  to  point  out  except  to  say  that  it  will  be 
the  Jews'  very  own  Messiah  which  will  accomplish  it 
and  not  the  "wild  olive,"  or  the  Gentile. 

Curiously  enough,  there  is  a  phase  of  anti-Semitism 
having  to  do  with  religion,  but  not  in  the  way  here  dis- 
cussed. There  are  those,  very  few  in  number  and  of 
atheistical  tendencies,  who  assert  that  all  religion  is  a 
sham,  being  the  invention  of  Jews  for  the  purpose  of 
enslaving  the  minds  of  the  people  of  the  world  to  an 
enervating  superstition.  This  position,  however,  has 
had  no  effect  on  the  main  issue.     It  is  a  far  extreme. 

III. 

Now,  which  of  these  exhibitions  of  anti-Semitism 
will  show  itself  in  America?  If  certain  tendencies  con- 
tinue, as  they  are  certain  to  do,  what  form  will  the  feel- 
ing toward  the  Jew  take?  Not  that  of  mass  violence, 
we  may  be  sure.  The  only  mass  action  visible  now  is 
that  of  Jewish  agencies  themselves  against  any  person 
or  institution  that  dares  to  bring  the  Jewish  Question 
to  public  attention. 

1.  Anti-Semitism  will  come  to  America  because  of 
the  habit  which  emotions  and  ideas  apparently  have  of 
making  their  way  westward  around  the  world.  North 
of  Palestine,  where  the  Jews  have  been  longest  settled 
and  where  they  are  now  in  great  numbers,  anti-Semit- 
ism is  acute  and  well-defined.  ■  Westward,  in  Germany, 
it  is  clearly  defined  but,  until  the  seizure  of  German 
revolutionary  agencies,  was  devoid  of  violence.  Still 
farther  westward,  in  Great  Britain,  it  is  defined,  but 
because  of  the  comparatively  small  number  of  Jews  in 
the  British  Isles  and  their  coalition  with  the  ruling  class, 
it  is  more  a  feeling  than  a  movement.  In  the  United 
States  it  is  not  so  definite,  but  shows  itself  in  a  restless- 
ness, a  questioning,  a  sensible  friction  between  the  tradi- 
tional tendency  of  the  American  to  fair-mindedness  and 
his  respect  for  the  cold  facts. 


,      ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL  IT    ^PPtAR   IN  THE  U.   S.  ?         65 

Because  the  Question  will  assume  more  and  more 
pressure  in  America  it  behooves  everyone^  of  foresight 
to  disregard  the  shortsighted  protests  of  the  Jews  them- 
selves and  see  to  it  that  the  Question  shall  not  present 
itself  among  us  as  it  has  done  among  other  people,  in 
its  most  distressing  and  confusing  forms.  It  is  a  public 
duty  to  seize  this  problem  at  its  beginning  and  train  it 
up,  so  to  speak;  that  is,  so  prepare  for  it  that  it  may  be 
handled  here  in  a  manner  which  will  form  a  model  for 
all  other  countries,  which  will  indeed  supply  all  other 
countries  with  the  essential  materials  for  a  permanent 
solution.  And  this  can  be  done  only  by  exposing  and 
recognizing  and  treating  with  the  serum  of  publicity  the 
conditions  before  which,  heretofore,  the  nations  have 
helplessly  floundered  because  they  lacked  either  the  de- 
sire or  the  means  to  get  at  the  great  root  of  the  diffi- 
culty. 

2.  Another  cause  of  the  Question  appearing  here 
will  be  the  great  influx  of  the  Jews  which  is  planned  for 
America.  There  will  probably  be  a  million  Jews  enter 
the  country  this  year,  increasing  our  Jewish  population 
to  nearly  4,500,000.  This  does  not  mean  merely  an 
immigration  of  persons,  but  an  immigration  of  ideas. 
No  Jewish  writer  has  ever  told  us,  in  systematic  fashion, 
just  what  is  the  Jews'  idea  of  non-Jews,  how  they  regard 
the  Gentiles  in  their  private  minds.  But  there  are  in- 
dications of  it,  although  one  would  not  attempt  to  re- 
construct the  Jewish  attitude  toward  Gentiles.  A  Jew 
ought  to  do  this  for  us,  but  he  would  probably  be  cast 
out  by  his  own  people  if  he  discharged  his  task  with 
rigorous  jealousy  for  the  exact  fact. 

These  people  are  coming  here  regarding  the  Gen- 
tile as  an  hereditary  enemy,  as  perhaps  they  have 
good  ground  for  doing,  and  so  believing  they  are  go- 
ing to  model  their  behavior  in  a  manner  that  will 
show  it.  Nor  will  these  Jews  be  so  helpless  as  they 
appear.  In  stricken  Poland,  where  the  Jews  are  rep- 
resented as  having  been  stripped  of  everything  dur- 
ing the  war,  there  are  hundreds  daily  appearing 
before  the  consulate  to  arrange  their  passage  here. 
The  fact  is  significant.  In  spite  of  their  reputed 
suffering  and  poverty,  they  are  able  to  travel  a  great 
distance  and  to  insist  on  coming.  No  other  people 
are  financially  able  to  travel  in  such  numbers.     But 


66  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

the  Jews  are.  It  will  readily  be  seen  that  they  are 
not  objects  of  charity.  They  have  been  able  to  keep 
afloat  in  a  storm  that  has  wrecked  the  other  people. 
They  know  it  and  they  joy  in  it,  as  is  natural.  And 
they  will  bring  here  the  same  thoughts  toward  the 
majority  which  they  have  harbored  in  their  present 
lands  of  domicile.  They  may  hail  America;  they  will 
have  their  own  thoughts  about  the  majority  of  the 
American  people.  They  may  be  in  the  lists  as  Rus- 
sians or  Poles  or  what  not,  but  they  will  be  Jews 
with  the  full  Jewish  consciousness,  and  they  will 
make  themselves  felt. 

All  this  is  bound  to  have  its  effect.  And  it  is  not 
race  prejudice  to  prepare  for  it,  and  to  invite  Ameri- 
can Jews  themselves  to  consider  the  fact  and  con- 
tribute to  the  solution  of  the  problem  which  it  pre- 
sents. 

3.  Every  idea  which  has  ruled  Europe  has  met 
with  transformation  when  it  was  transplanted  in 
America.  It  was  so  with  the  idea  of  Liberty,  the  idea 
of  Government,  the  idea  of  War.  It  will  be  so  with 
the  idea  of  anti-Semitism.  The  whole  problem  will 
center  here  and  if  we  are  wise  and  do  not  shirk  it,  it 
will  find  its  solution  here.  A  recent  Jewish  writer 
has  said:  ''Jewry  today  largely  means  American 
Jfewry all  former  Jewish  centers  were  de- 
molished during  the  war  and  were  shifted  to  America." 
The  problem  will  be  ours,  whether  we  choose  it  or 
not. 

And  what  course  will  it  take?  Much  depends  on 
what  can  be  accomplished  before  it  becomes  very 
strong.  It  may  be  said,  however,  that  the  first  ele- 
ment to  appear  will  be  a  show  of  resentment  against 
certain  Jewish  commercial  successes,  more  particu- 
larly against  the  united  action  by  which  they  are 
attained.  Our  people  see  the  spectacle  of  a  people 
in  the  midst  of  a  people,  in  a  sense  which  the  Mor- 
mons never  were,  and  they  will  not  like  it.  The 
Mormons  made  an  Exodus;  Israel  is  going  back  into 
Egypt  to  subjugate  it. 

The  second  element  which  will  undoubtedly  appear 
is  prejudice  and  its  incitement.  The  majority  may 
always  be  right,  but  they  are  not  always  initially 
reasonable.     That  prejudice  which  exists  now,  and 


ANTI-SEMITISM— WILL  IT  APPEAR   IN  THE  U.   S.  ?         67 

which  is  freely  admitted  by  both  Jew  and  Gentile, 
may  become  more  marked,  to  the  distress  of  both 
parties,  for  neither  the  subject  nor  the  object  of 
prejudice  can  attain  that  freedom  of  mind  which  is 
happiness. 

Then  we  may  most  confidently  look  for  a  reac- 
tion of  Justice.  It  is  here  that  the  whole  matter 
will  begin  to  bend  to  the  genius  of  Americanism. 
The  innate  justice  of  the  American  mind  has  come 
to  the  aid  of  every  object  that  ever  roused  American 
resentment.  The  natural  reaction  with  us  is  of  very 
brief  duration;  the  intellectual  and  ethical  reaction 
swiftly  follows.  The  American  mind  will  never  rest 
with  merely  resenting  certain  individuals.  It  will 
probe  deeper.  Already  this  deeper  probe  has  been 
begun  in  Great  Britain  and  America.  We  character- 
istically do  not  stop  with  persons  when  principles  are 
in  sight. 

And  upon  this  there  will  be  an  investigation  of  ma- 
terials, part  of  which  may  yet  be  presented  in  this  se- 
ries and  which  may  possibly  be  disregarded  for  a 
time,  but  which  at  a  future  date  will  be  found  to  be 
the  clue  to  the  maze.  Upon  this,  the  root  of  all  the 
trouble  will  be  bared  to  the  light,  to  die  as  all  roots 
do  when  deprived  of  their  concealment  of  darkness, 
and  then  the  Jewish  people  themselves  may  be  ex- 
pected to  begin  an  adjustment  to  the  new  order  of 
things,  not  to  lose  their  identity  or  to  curtail  their 
energy  or  to  dim  their  brilliance,  but  to  turn  all  into 
more  worthy  channels  for  the  benefit  of  all  races, 
which  alone  can  justify  their  claim  to  superiority.  A 
race  that  can  achieve  in  the  material  realm  what  the 
Jews  have  achieved  while  asserting  themselves  to  be 
spiritually  superior,  can  achieve  in  a  less  sordid,  a 
less  society-defying  realm  also. 

The  Jews  will  not  be  destroyed;  neither  will  they 
be  permitted  to  maintain  the  yoke  which  they  have 
been  so  skillful  in  fastening  upon  society.  They  are 
the  beneficiaries  of  a  system  which  itself  will  change 
and  force  them  to  other  and  higher  devices  to  justify 
their  proper  place  in  the  world. 


Ittoe  of  Jone  19,  IQIi). 


"We  must  force  the  Gentile  governments  to 
adopt  measures  ivhich  will  promote  our  broadly 
conceived  plan  already  approaching  its  triumphal 
goal  by  bringing  to  bear  the  pressure  of  stimu- 
lated public  opinion  which  has  in  reality  been 
organised  by  us  zvith  the  help  of  the  so-called 
'great  pozver  of  the  Press.  With  few  exceptions, 
not  worth  considering,  it  has  already  fallen  into 
our  hands." 

— The   Seventh    Protocol. 


VI. 


Jewish  Question  Breaks  Into 
the  Magazines 

ONCE  upon  a  time  an  American  faculty  member  of 
an  American  university  went  to  Russia  on  busi- 
ness. He  was  expert  in  a  very  important  department 
of  applied  science  and  a  keen  observer.  He  entered 
Russia  with  the  average  American's  feeling  about  the 
treatment  which  the  government  of  that  people  ac- 
corded the  Jew.  He  lived  there  three  years,  came 
home  for  a  year,  and  went  back  again  for  a  similar 
period,  and  upon  his  second  return  to  America  he 
thought  it  was  time  to  give  the  American  public 
accurate  information  about  the  Jewish  Question  in 
Russia.  He  prepared  a  most  careful  article  and  sent 
it  to  the  editor  of  a  magazine  of  the  first  class  in  the 
Eastern  United  States.  The  editor  sent  for  him,  spent 
most  of  two  days  with  him,  and  was  deeply  impressed 
with  all  he  learned — but  he  said  he  could  not  print  the 
article.  The  same  interest  and  examination  occurred 
with  several  other  magazine  editors  of  the  first  rank. 

It  was  not  because  the  professor  could  not  write — 
these  editors  gladly  bought  anything  he  would  write 
on  other  subjects.  But  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
get  his  article  on  the  Jews  accepted  or  printed  in 
New  York. 

The  Jewish  Question,  however,  has  at  last  broken 
into  a  New  York  magazine.  Rather  it  is  a  fragment  of 
a  shell  hurled  from  the  Jewish  camp  at  the  Jewish 
Question  to  demolish,  if  possible,  the  Question  and 
thus  make  good  the  assertion  that  there  is  no  such 
thing. 

Incidentally  it  is  the  only  kind  of  article  on  the 
Jewish  Question  that  the  big  magazines,  whose  mazes 
of  financial  controllers  make  most  interesting  rummag- 
ing, would  care  to  print. 

Yet,  the  general  public  may  learn  much  about  the 
Question  even  from  the  type  of  article  whose  purpose 
is  to  prove  that  the  Question  doesn't  exist. 

Mr.  William  Hard,  in  the  Metropolitan  for  June, 


70  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

has  done  as  well  as  could  be  expected,  considering  the 
use  he  was  supposed  to  make  of  such  material  as  he  had 
at  hand.  And  doubtless  the  telegraph  and  letter 
brigades,  which  keep  watch  over  all  printed  references 
to  the  Jews,  have  duly  congratulated  the  good  editors 
of  the  Metropolitan  for  their  assistance  in  soothing 
the  public  to  further  sleep. 

It  is  to  be  hoped,  for  the  sake  of  the  Question,  that 
Mr.  Hard's  effort  will  have  a  wide  reading,  for  there  is 
very  much  to  be  learned  from  it — much  more  than  it 
was  anybody's  intention  should  be  learned  from  it. 

It  may  be  learned,  first,  that  the  Jewish  Question 
exists.  Mr.  Hard  says  it  is  discussed  in  the  drawing- 
rooms  of  London  and  Paris.  Whether  the  mention  of 
drawing-rooms  was  a  writer's  device  to  intimate  that 
the  matter  was  unimportant  and  frivolous,  or  merely 
represented  the  extent  of  Mr.  Hard's  contact  with  the 
Question  is  not  clear.  He  adds,  however,  that  a  docu- 
ment relating  to  the  Question  has  "traveled  a  good  bit 
in  certain  official  circles  in  Washington."  He  also 
mentions  a  cable  dispatch  to  the  New  York  World,  con- 
cerning the  same  Question,  which  that  paper  publish- 
ed. His  article  was  probably  published  too  early  to 
note  the  review  which  the  London  Times  made  of  the 
first  document  referred  to.  But  he  has  told  the  reader 
who  is  looking  for  the  objective  facts  in  the  article  that 
there  is  a  Jewish  Question,  and  that  it  does'  not  exist 
among  the  riff-raff  either  but  principally  in  those  circles 
where  the  evidence  of  Jewish  power  and  control  is 
most  abundant.  Moreover,  the  Question  is  being  dis- 
cussed. Mr.  Hard  tells  us  that  much.  If  he  does  not 
go  further  and  tell  us  that  it  is  being  discussed  with 
great  seriousness  in  high  places  and  among  men  of 
national  and  international  importance,  it  is  probably 
because  of  one  of  two  things,  either  he  does  not  know, 
or  he  does  not  consider  it  consonant  with  the  purpose 
of  the  article  to  tell. 

However,  Mr.  Hard  has  already  made  it  clear  that 
there  is  a  Jewish  Question,  that  it  is  being  discussed, 
that  it  is  being  discussed  by  people  who  are  best  situ- 
ated to  observe  the  matter  they  are  talking  about. 

The  reading  of  Mr.  Hard's  article  makes  it  clear 
also  that  the  Question  always  comes  to  the  fore  on  the 
note  of  conspiracy.     Of  course,  Mr.  Hard  says  he  does 


JEWISH    QUESTION    BREAKS    INTO   THE    MAGAZINES     71 

not  believe  in  conspiracies  which  involve  a  large  num* 
ber  of  people,  and  it  is  with  the  utmost  ease  that  his 
avowal  of  unbelief  is  accepted,  for  there  is  nothing 
more  ridiculous  to  the  Gentile  mind  than  a  mass  con- 
spiracy, because  there  is  nothing  more  impossible  to 
the  Gentile  himself.  Mr.  Hard,  we  take  it,  is  of  non- 
Jewish  extraction,  and  he  knows  how  impossible  it 
would  be  to  band  Gentiles  together  in  any  consider- 
able number  for  any  length  of  time  in  even  the  noblest 
conspiracy.  Gentiles  are  not  built  for  it.  Their  con- 
spiracy, whatever  it  might  be,  would  fall  like  a  rope 
of  sand.  Gentiles  have  not  the  basis  either  in  blood  or 
interest  that  the  Jews  have  to  stand  together.  The 
Gentile  does  not  naturally  suspect  conspiracy;  he 
will  indeed  hardly  bring  himself  to  the  verge  of  be- 
lieving it  without  the  fullest  proof. 

It  is  therefore  quite  easy  to  understand  Mr.  Hard's 
difficulty  with  conspiracy;  the  point  is  that  to  write 
his  article  at  all,  he  is  forced  to  recognize  at  almost 
every  step  that  whenever  the  Jewish  Question  is  dis- 
cussed, the  idea  of  conspiracy  occupies  a  large  part 
in  it.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  the  central  idea  in  Mr. 
Hard's  article,  and  it  completely  monopolizes  the 
heading — "Great  Jewish  Conspiracy." 

The  search  for  basic  facts  in  Mr.  Hard's  article  will 
disclose  the  additional  information  that  there  are  cer- 
tain documents  in  existence  which  purport  to  contain 
the  details  of  the  conspiracy,  or — to  drop  a  word  that  is 
unpleasant  and  may  be  misleading  and  which  has  not 
been  used  in  this  series — the  tendency  of  Jewish  power 
to  achieve  complete  control.  That  is  about  all  that 
the  reader  learns  from  Mr.  Hard  about  the  documents, 
except  that  he  describes  one  as  "strange  and  horrible." 
Here  is  indeed  a  regrettable  gap  in  the  story,  for  it  is 
to  discredit  a  certain  document  that  Mr.  Hard  writes, 
and  yet  he  tells  next  to  nothing  about  it.  Discredit- 
able documents  usually  discredit  themselves.  But 
this  document  is  not  permitted  to  do  that.  The 
reader  of  the  article  is  left  to  take  Mr.  Hard's  word  for 
it.  The  serious  student  or  critic  will  feel,  of  course, 
that  the  documents  themselves  would  have  formed  a 
better  basis  for  an  intelligent  judgment.  But  laying 
that  matter  aside,  Mr.  Hard  has  made  public  the  fact 
that  there  are  documents. 


72  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

And  then  Mr.  Hard  does  another  thing,  as  well  as 
he  can  with  the  materials  at  hand,  the  purpose  of  the 
article  being  what  it  was,  and  that  is  to  show  how  little 
the  Jews  have  to  do  with  the  control  of  affairs  by  show- 
ing who  are  the  Jews  that  do  control  certain  selected 
groups  of  affairs.  The  names  are  all  brought  forward 
by  Mr.  Hard  and  he  alone  is  responsible  for  them,  our 
purpose  in  referring  to  them  being  merely  to  show 
what  can  be  learned  from  him. 

Mr.  Hard  leans  heavily  on  Russian  affairs.  Some- 
times it  would  almost  seem  as  if  the  Jewish  Question 
were  conceived  as  the  Soviet  Question,  which  it  is  not, 
as  Mr.  Hard  very  well  knows,  and  although  the  two 
have  their  plain  connections,  it  is  nothing  less  than 
well-defined  propaganda  to  set  up  Bolshevist  fiction 
and  knock  it  down  by  Jewish  fact  for  the  purpose  of 
the  latter.  However,  what  Mr.  Hard  offers  as  fact 
is  very  instructive,  quite  apart  from  the  conclusion 
which  he  draws  from  it. 

Now,  take  his  Russian  line-up  first.  He  says  that 
in  the  cabinet  of  Soviet  Russia  there  is  only  one  Jew. 
But  he  is  Trotsky.  There  are  others  in  the  govern- 
ment, of  course,  but  Mr.  Hard  is  speaking  about  the 
cabinet  now.  He  is  not  speaking  about  the  commis- 
sars, who  are  the  real  rulers  of  Russia,  nor  about  the 
executive  troops,  who  are  the  real  strength  of  the 
Trotsky-Lenin  regime.  No,  just  the  cabinet.  Of 
course,  there  was  only  one  Jew  prominent  in  Hun- 
gary, too,  but  he  was  Bela  Kun.  Mr.  Hard  does  not 
ask  us  to  believe,  however,  that  it  is  simply  because  of 
Trotsky  and  Kun  that  all  JEurope  believes  that  Bolshe- 
vism has  a  strong  Jewish  element.  Else  the  stupid 
credibility  of  the  Gentiles  would  be  more  impossible  of 
conception  than  the  idea  of  a  Jewish  conspiracy  is  to 
Mr.  Hard's  mind.  Why  should  it  be  easier  to  believe 
that  Gentiles  are  dunces  than  that  Jews  are  clever? 

However,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  Trotsky  is 
way  up  at  the  top,  sharing  the  utmost  summit  of  Bol- 
shevism with  Lenin,  and  Trotsky  is  a  Jew — nobody 
ever  denied  that,  not  even  Mr.  Braunstein  himself  (the 
latter  being  Trotsky's  St.  Louis,  U.  S.  A.,  name). 

But  then,  says  Mr.  Hard,  the  Mensheviks  are  led 
by  Jews,  too!  That  is  a  fact  worth  putting  down  be- 
side the  others.     Trotsky  at  the  head  of  the  Bolshe- 


JEWISH    QUESTION    BREAKS    INTO   THE    MAGAZINES     73 

viks;  at  the  head  of  the  Mensheviks  during  their  oppo- 
sition of  the  Bolsheviks  were  Lieber.  Martovand  Dan — 
"all  Jews,"  says  Mr.  Hard. 

There  is,  however,  a  middle  party  between  these 
extremes,  the  Cadets,  which,  Mr.  Hard  says,  are  or 
were  the  strongest  bourgeois  political  party  in  Russia. 
"They  now  have  their  headquarters  in  Paris.  Their 
chairman  is  Vinaver — a  Jew." 

There  are  the  facts  as  stated  by  Mr.  Hard.  He 
says  that  Jews,  whose  names  he  gives,  head  the  three 
great  divisions  of  political  opinion  in  Russia. 

And  then  he  cries,  look  how  the  Jews  are  divided! 
How  can  there  be  conspiracy  among  people  who  thus 
fight  themselves? 

But  another,  looking  at  the  same  situation  may 
say,  look  how  the  Jews  control  every  phase  of  political 
opinion  in  Russia!  Doesn't  there  seem  to  be  some 
ground  for  the  feeling  that  they  are  desirous  of  ruling 
everywhere? 

The  facts  are  there.  What  significance  does  it 
bring  to  the  average  mind  that  the  three  great  parties 
of  Russia  are  led  by  Jews? 

But  that  does  not  exhaust  the  information  which 
the  matter-of-fact  reader  may  find  in  Mr.  Hard's 
article.  He  turns  to  the  United  States  and  makes 
several  interesting  statements. 

"There  is  Otto  Kahn,"  he  says.  Well,  sometimes 
Otto  Kahn  is  there,  and  sometimes  he  is  in  Paris  on 
important  international  matters,  and  sometimes  he  is 
in  London  advocating  certain  alliances  between  British 
and  American  capital  which  have  to  do  in  a  large  way 
with  European  political  conditions.  Mr.  Kahn  is 
rated  as  a  conservative,  and  that  may  mean  anything. 
A  man  is  conservative  or  not  according  to  the  angle 
from  which  he  is  viewed.  The  most  conservative  men 
in  America  are  really  the  most  radical;  their  motives 
and  methods  go  to  the  very  roots  of  certain  matters; 
they  are  radicals  in  their  own  field.  The  men  who  con- 
trolled the  last  Republican  Convention — if  not  the 
last,  the  most  recent— are  styled  conservatives  by 
those  whose  vision  is  circumscribed  by  certain  limited 
economic  interests;  but  they  are  the  most  radical  of 
radicals,  they  have  passed  the  red  stage  and  are  white 
with  it.     If  it  were  known  what  is  in  the  back  of  Mr. 


74  THE    INTERNA^TIONAL   JEW 

Kahn's  mind,  if  he  should  display  a  chart  of  what  he  is 
doing  and  aiming  to  do,  the  term  which  would  then 
most  aptly  describe  him  might  be  quite  different. 
Anyway,  we  have  it  from  Mr.  Hard,  "There  is  Mr. 
Kahn." 

"On  the  other  hand,"  says  Mr.  Hard,  "there  is 
Rose  Pastor  Stokes."  He  adds  the  name  of  Morris 
Hillquit.  They  are,  in  Mr.  Hard's  classification, 
radicals.  And  to  offset  these  names  he  adds  the 
names  of  two  Gentiles,  Eugene  V.  Debs  and  Bill  Hay- 
wood, and  intimates  that  they  are  much  more  powerful 
leaders  than  the  first  two.  Students  of  modern  in- 
fluences, of  which  Mr.  Hard  has  long  appeared  as  one, 
do  not  think  so.  Neither  Debs  nor  Haywood  ever 
generated  in  all  their  lives  a  fraction  of  the  intellectual 
power  which  Mrs.  Stokes  and  Mr.  Hillquit  have  gene- 
rated. Both  Debs  and  Haywood  live  by  the  others. 
To  every  informed  person,  as  to  Mr.  Hard  in  this 
article,  come  the  Jewish  names  to  mind  when  the  social 
tendencies  of  the  United  States  are  passed  under 
reflection. 

This  is  most  instructive  indeed,  that  in  naming  the 
leaders  of  so-called  conservatism  and  radicalism,  Mr. 
Hard  is  driven  to  use  Jewish  names.  On  his  showing 
the  reader  is  entitled  to  say  that  Jews  lead  both  di- 
visions here  in  the  United  States. 

But  Mr.  Hard  is  not  through.  "The  man  who 
does  more  than  any  other  man — the  man  who  does 
more  than  any  regiment  of  other  men — to  keep  Ameri- 
can labor  anti-radical  is  a  Jew — Samuel  Gompers." 
That  is  a  fact  which  the  reader  will  place  in  his  list — 
American  labor  is  led  by  a  Jew. 

Well,  then,  "the  strongest  anti-Gompers  trade 
union  in  the  country — The  Amalgamated  Clothing 
Workers — and  very  strong  indeed,  and  very  large — is 
led  by  a  Jew — Sidney  Hillman." 

It  is  the  Russian  situation  over  again.  Both  ends 
of  the  movements,  and  the  movement  which  operate 
within  the  movement,  are  under  the  leadership  of 
Jews.  This,  whatever  the  construction  put  upon  it, 
is  a  fact  which  Mr.  Hard  is  compelled  by  the  very 
nature  of  his  task  to  acknowledge. 

And  the  middle  movement,  "the  Liberal  Middle" 
as  Mr.  Hard  calls  it,  which  catches  all  between,  pro- 


JEWISH   QUESTION    BREAKS    INTO    THE    MAGAZINES     75 

duces  in  this  article  the  names  of  Mr.  Justice  Brandeis, 
Judge  Mack  and  FeHx  Frankfurter,  gentlemen  whose 
activities  since  Armistice  Day  would  make  a  very- 
interesting  story. 

For  good  measure,  Mr.  Hard  produces  two  other 
names,  "Baron  Gunzberg — a  Jew"  who  is  "a  faithful 
official"  of  the  Russian  Embassy  of  Ambassador 
Bakhmetev,  a  representative  of  the  modified  old 
regime,  while  the  Russian  Information  Bureau,  whose 
literary  output  appears  in  many  of  our  newspapers  is 
conducted  by  another  Jew,  so  Mr.  Hard  calls  him, 
whose  name  is  familiar  to  newspaper  readers,  Mr.  A.  J. 
Sack. 

It  is  not  a  complete  list  by  any  means,  but  it  is 
quite  impressive.  It  seems  to  reflect  importance  on 
the  documents  which  Mr.  Hard  endeavors  to  minimize 
to  a  position  of  ridiculous  unimportance.  And  it 
leads  to  the  thought  that  perhaps  the  documents  are 
scrutinized  as  carefully  as  they  are  because  the  readers 
of  them  have  observed  not  only  the  facts  which  Mr. 
Hard  admits  but  other  and  more  astonishing  ones,  and 
have  discovered  that  the  documents  confirm  and  ex- 
plain the  observations.  Other  readers  who  have  not 
had  the  privilege  of  learning  all  that  the  documents 
contain  are  entitled  to  have  satisfaction  given  to  the 
interest  thus  aroused. 

The  documents  did  not  create  the  Jewish  Question. 
If  there  were  nothing  but  the  documents,  Mr.  Hard 
would  not  have  written  nor  would  the  Metropolitan 
Magazine  have  printed  the  article  here  discussed. 

What  Mr.  Hard  has  done  is  to  bring  confirmation 
in  a  most  unexpected  place  that  the  Question  exists 
and  is  pressing  for  discussion.  Someone  felt  the  pres- 
sure when  "The  Great  Jewish  Conspiracy"  was  ordered 
and  written. 


Ilsue  of  June  26,  1920. 


/ 


"What  are  you  prating  about?  As  long  as  we 
do  not  have  the  Press  of  the  whole  world  in  our 
hands,  everything  you  may  do  is  vain.  We  must 
control  or  influence  the  papers  of  the  whole  ii'orld 
in  order  to  blind  and  deceive  the  people." 

— Baron  Montefiore. 


VII. 


Arthur  Brisbane  Leaps  to  the 
Help  of  Jewry 

ONCE  more  the  current  of  this  series  on  the  Modern 
Jewish  Question  is  interrupted  to  give  notice  of 
the  appearance  of  the  Question  in  another  quarter,  the 
appearance  this  time  consisting  of  a  more  than  two- 
column  "Today"  editorial  in  the  Hearst  papers  of 
Sunday,  June  20,  from  the  pen  of  Arthur  Brisbane. 
It  would  be  too  much  to  say  that  Mr.  Brisbane  is  the 
most  influential  writer  in  the  country,  ])ut  perhaps  he 
is  among  the  dozen  most  widely  read.  It  is,  therefore, 
a  confirmation  of  the  statement  that  the  Question  is 
assuming  importance  in  this  country,  that  a  writer  of 
Mr.  Brisbane's  prominence  should  openly  discuss  it. 

Of  course,  Mr.  Brisbane  has  not  studied  the  Ques- 
tion. He  would  probably  admit  in  private  conversa- 
tion— though  such  an  admission  would  hardly  be  in 
harmony  with  the  tone  of  certainty  he  publicly 
adopts — that  he  really  knows  nothing  about  it.  He 
knows,  however,  as  a  good  newspaper  man,  how  to 
handle  it  when  the  exigencies  of  the  newspaper  day 
throw  it  up  to  him  for  offhand  treatment.  Every 
editorial  writer  knows  how  to  do  that.  There  is  some- 
thing good  in  every  race,  or  there  have  been  some 
notable  individuals  in  it,  or  it  has  played  a  picturesque 
part  in  history — that  is  enough  for  a  very  readable 
editorial  upon  any  class  of  people  who  may  happen  to 
be  represented  in  the  community.  The  Question, 
whatever  it  may  be,  need  not  be  studied  at  all;  a 
certain  group  of  people  may  be  salved  for  a  few  para- 
graphs, and  the  job  need  never  be  tackled  again. 
Every  newspaper  man  knows  that. 

And  yet,  having  lived  in  New  York  for  a  long  time, 
having  had  financial  dealings  of  a  large  and  obligating 
nature  with  certain  interests  in  this  country,  having 
seen  no  doubt  more  or  less  of  the  inner  workings  of  the 
great  trust  and  banking  groups,  and  being  constantly 
surrpunded  by  assistants  and  advisors  who  are  mem- 


78  THE    INTERN AvnONAL    JEW 

bers  of  the  Jewish  race,  Mr.  Brisbane  must  have  had 
his  thoughts.  It  is,  however,  no  part  of  a  newspaper 
man's  business  to  expose  his  thoughts  about  the  racial 
groups  of  his  community,  any  more  than  it  is  a  show- 
man's business  to  express  his  opinion  of  the  patrons 
of  his  show.  The  kinds  of  offense  a  newspaper  will 
give,  and  the  occasions  on  which  it  will  feel  justified  in 
giving  it,  are  very  limited. 

So,  assuming  that  Mr.  Brisbane  had  to  write  at 
all,  it  could  have  been  told  beforehand  what  he  would 
write.  The  only  wonder  is  that  he  felt  he  had  to 
write.  Did  he  really  feel  that  the  Jews  are  being 
"persecuted"  when  an  attempt  is  made  to  uncover  the 
extent  and  causes  of  their  control  in  the  United  States 
and  elsewhere?  Did  he  feel,  with  good  editorial 
shrewdness,  that  here  was  an  opportunity  to  win  the 
attention  and  regard  of  the  most  influential  group  in 
New  York  and  the  nation?  Or — and  this  seems  with- 
in the  probabilities — was  he  inclined  simply  to  pass  it 
over,  until  secretarial  suggestions  reached  him  for  a 
Sunday  editorial,  or  until  some  of  the  bondholders 
made  their  wishes  known?  This  is  not  at  all  to  im- 
pugn Mr.  Brisbane's  motives,  but  merely  to  indicate 
on  what  slender  strings  such  an  editorial  may  depend. 

But  what  is  more  important — does  Mr.  Brisbane 
consider  that,  having  disposed  of  the  Sunday  editorial, 
he  is  through  with  the  Question,  or  that  the  Question 
itself  is  solved?  That  is  the  worst  of  daily  editorializ- 
ing; having  come  safely  and  inoffensively  through 
with  one  editorial,  the  matter  is  at  an  end  as  far  as  that 
particular  writer  is  concerned — that  is,  as  a  usual 
thing. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Mr.  Brisbane  is  not  through. 
He  ought  not  to  leave  a  big  question  without  contrib- 
uting something  to  it,  and  in  his  Sunday  editorial  he  did 
not  contribute  anything.  He  even  made  mistakes 
which  he  ought  to  correct  by  further  study.  "What 
about  the  Phoenicians?"  he  asks.  He  should  have 
looked  that  up  while  his  mind  was  opened  receptively 
toward  the  subject,  and  he  would  not  have  made  so 
miserable  a  blunder  as  to  connect  them  so  closely  with 
the  Jews.  He  would  never  find  a  Jew  doing  that.  It 
is  permissible,  however,  in  Jewish  propaganda  intended 
for  Gentile  consumption.     The  Phoenicians  themselves 


ARTHUR    BRISBANE    TO    THE    HELP    OF    JEWRY  79 

certainly  never  thought  they  were  connected  in  any 
way  with  the  Jews,  and  the  Jews  were  equally  without 
light  on  the  subject.  If  in  nothing  else,  they  differed 
in  their  attitude  toward  the  sea.  The  Phoenicians  not 
only  built  boats  but  manned  them;  the  Jew  would 
rather  risk  his  investment  in  a  boat  than  himself.  In 
everything  else  the  differences  between  the  two  peoples 
were  deep  and  distinct.  Mr.  Brisbane  should  have 
turned  up  the  Jewish  Encyclopedia  at  that  point  in  his 
dictation.  It  is  to  be  hoped  he  will  resume  his  study 
and  when  he  has  found  something  that  is  not  printed 
in  "simply  written"  Jewish  books  will  give  the  world  the 
benefit  of  it.  It  is  hardly  like  the  question  of  the  ro- 
tundity of  the  earth ;  this  Question  is  not  settled  and  it 
will  be  discussed. 

Mr.  Brisbane  is  in  a  position  to  pursue  some  in- 
vestigations of  his  own  on  this  subject.  He  has  a  large 
staff,  and  it  is  presumed  that  some  of  its  members  are 
Gentiles  of  unbiased  minds;  he  has  a  world-wide  or- 
ganization; since  his  own  modification  of  speech  and 
views  following  upon  his  adventure  in  the  money-mak- 
ing world,  he  has  a  "look-in"  upon  certain  groups  of 
men  and  certain  tendencies  of  power — why  does  he  not 
take  this  Question  as  a  world  problem  and  go  after  the 
facts  and  the  solution? 

It  is  a  task  worthy  of  any  newspaper  organization. 
It  will  assist  America  to  make  the  contribution  which 
she  must  make  if  this  Question  is  ever  to  be  turned  from 
the  bugbear  it  has  been  through  all  the  centuries.  All 
the  talk  on  earth  about  "loving  our  fellow  men"  will 
not  serve  in  lieu  of  an  investigation,  because  it  is  ask- 
ing men  to  love  those  who  are  rapidly  and  insidiously 
gaining  the  mastery  of  them.  "What's  wrong  with  the 
Jew?"  is  the  first  question,  and  then,  "What's  wrong 
with  the  Gentile  to  make  it  possible?" 

As  in  the  case  of  every  Gentile  writer  who  appears 
as  the  Jew's  good-natured  defender,  Mr.  Brisbane  is 
compelled  to  state  a  number  of  facts  which  comprise  a 
part  of  the  very  Question  whose  existence  is  denied. 

"Every  other  successful  name  you  see  in  a  great 
city  is  a  Jewish  name,"  says  Mr.  Brisbane.  In  his  own 
city  the  ratio  is  even  higher  than  that. 

"Jews  numbering  less  than  one  per  cent  of  the 
earth's  population  possess  by  conquest,  enterprise,  in* 


80  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

dustry  and  intelligence  50  per  cent  of  the  world's  com- 
mercial success,"  says  Mr.  Brisbane, 

Does  it  mean  anything  to  Mr.  Brisbane?  Has  he 
ever  thought  how  it  will  all  turn  out?  Is  he  wilhng  to 
absolve  that  "success"  from  every  quality  which  hu- 
manity has  a  right  to  challenge?  Is  he  entirely  satis- 
fied with  the  way  that  "success"  is  used  where  it  is 
supreme?  Would  he  be  willing  to  undertake  to  prove 
that  it  is  due  to  those  commendable  qualities  he  has 
named  and  nothing  less  commendable?  Speaking  of 
the  Jew-financed  Harriman  railroad  campaign,  is  Mr. 
Brisbane  ready  to  write  his  endorsement  upon  that? 
Did  he  ever  hear  of  Jewish  money  backing  railroads 
that  were  built  for  railroad  purposes  and  nothing  else? 

It  would  be  very  easy  to  suggest  to  Mr.  Brisbane,  as 
editor,  a  series  of  articles  which  would  be  most  enlight- 
ening, both  to  himself  and  his  readers,  if  he  would  only 
put  unbiased  men  at  work  gathering  the  facts  for  them. 

One  of  the  articles  might  be  entitled  "The  Jews  at 
the  Peace  Conference."  His  men  should  be  instructed 
to  learn  who  were  the  most  prominent  figures  at  the 
Peace  Conference;  who  came  and  went  most  constantly 
and  most  busily;  who  were  given  freest  access  to  the 
most  important  persons  and  chambers;  which  race  pro- 
vided the  bulk  of  the  private  secretaries  to  the  impor- 
tant personages  there ;  which  race  provided  most  of  the 
sentinels  through  whom  engagements  had  to  be  made 
with  men  of  note;  which  race  went  furthest  in  the  en- 
deavor to  turn  the  whole  proceeding  into  a  festival 
rout  by  dances  and  lavish  entertainment;  which  civil- 
ians of  prominence  oftenest  dined  the  leading  conferees 
in  private  session. 

If  Mr.  Brisbane,  with  the  genius  for  reporting  which 
his  organization  deservedly  has,  will  turn  his  men  loose 
on  that  assignment,  and  then  print  what  they  bring  him, 
he  will  have  a  story  tha,t  will  make  a  mark  even  in  his 
remarkable  career  as  an  editor. 

He  might  even  run  a  second  story  on  the  Peace  Con- 
ference, entitled,  "Which  Program  Won  at  the  Peace 
Conference?"  He  might  instruct  his  men  to  inquire  as 
to  the  business  which  brought  the  Jews  in  such  quality 
and  quantity  to  Paris,  and  how  it  was  put  through. 
Particularly  should  they  inquire  whether  any  jot  or 
tittle  of  the  Jews'  world  program  was  refused  or  modi- 


ARTHUR    BRISBANK    lO    THK    HELP    OF    JEWRV  81 

fied  by  the  Peace  Conference.  It  should  also  be  care- 
fully inquired  whether,  after  getting  what  they  went 
after,  they  did  not  then  ask  for  still  more  and  get  that, 
too,  even  though  it  constituted  a  discrimination  against 
the  rest  of  the  world.  Mr.  Brisbane  would  doubtless 
be  surprised  to  learn  that  of  all  the  programs  submitted 
to  that  Conference,  not  excepting  the  great  program  on 
which  humanity  hung  so  many  pathetic  hopes,  the  only 
program  to  go  through  was  the  Jews'  program.  And 
yet  he  could  learn  just  that  if  he  inquired.  The  ques- 
tion is,  having  obtained  that  information,  what  would 
Mr.  Brisbane  do  with  it? 

There  are  any  number  of  lines  of  investigation  Mr. 
Brisbane  might  enter,  and  in  any  one  of  them  his 
knowledge  of  his  country  and  of  its  relation  to  this 
particular  Question  would  be  greatly  enlarged. 

Does  Mr.  Brisbane  know  who  owns  Alaska?  He 
may  have  been  under  the  impression,  in  common  with 
the  rest  of  us  until  we  learned  better,  that  it  was  owned 
by  the  United  States.  No,  it  is  owned  by  the  same 
people  who  are  coming  rapidlj!"  to  own  the  United 
States. 

Is  Mr.  Brisbane,  from  the  vantage  point  afforded  by 
his  position  in  national  journalism,  even  dimly  aware 
that  there  are  elements  in  our  industrial  unrest  which 
neither  ''capital"  nor  "labor"  accurately  define?  Has 
he  ever  caught  a  glimpse  of  another  power  which  is 
neither  "labor"  nor  "capital"  in  the  productive  sense, 
whose  purpose  and  interest  it  is  to  keep  labor  and 
capital  as  far  apart  as  possible,  now  by  provoking  labor, 
now  by  provoking  capital?  In  his  study  of  the  in- 
dustrial situation  and  its  perfectly  baffling  mystery,  Mr. 
Brisbane  must  have  caught  a  flash  of  something  behind 
the  backmost  scene.  It  would  be  good  journalistic 
enterprise  to  find  out  what  it  is. 

Has  Mr.  Brisbane  ever  printed  the  names  of  the  men 
who  control  the  sugar  supply  of  the  United  States — does 
he  know  them — would  he  like  to  know  them? 

Has  he  ever  looked  into  the  woolen  situation  in  this 
country,  from  the  change  of  ownership  in  cotton  lands, 
and  the  deliberate  sabotage  of  cotton  production  by 
banking  threats,  right  on  through  to  the  change  in  the 
price  of  cloth  and  clothing?  And  has  he  ever  noted  the 
names  of  the  men  he  found  on  that  piece  of  investiga- 


82  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

tion?  Would  he  like  to  know  how  it  is  done,  and  who 
does  it?  Mr.  Brisbane  could  find  all  these  things  and 
give  them  to  the  public  by  using  his  efficient  staff  of 
investigators  and  writers  on  this  Question. 

Whether  Mr.  Brisbane  would  feel  free  to  do  this,  he 
himself  best  knows.  There  may  be  reasons  why  he 
would  not,  private  reasons,  prudential  reasons. 

However  that  may  be,  there  are  no  reasons  why  he 
should  not  make  a  complete  study  of  the  Question — a 
real  study,  not  a  superficial  glance  at  it  with  an  eye  to 
its  "news  value" — and  arrive  at  his  own  considered 
conclusion.  There  would  be  no  intolerance  about  that. 
As  it  is  now,  Mr.  Brisbane  is  not  qualified  to  take  a 
stand  on  either  side  of^the  Question;  he  simply  brushes 
it  aside  as  troublesome,  as  the  old  planters  used  to  brush 
aside  the  anti-slavery  moralists;  and  for  that  reason  the 
recent  defense  of  the  Jew  is  not  a  defense  at  all.  It  is 
more  like  a  bid  for  favor. 

Mr.  Brisbane's  chief  aversion,  apparently,  is  toward 
what  he  calls  race  prejudice  and  race  hatred.  Of 
course,  if  any  man  should  fear  that  the  study  of  an 
economic  situation  would  plunge  him  into  these  serious 
aberrations  of  mind,  he  should  be  advised  to  avoid  that 
line  of  study.  There  is  something  wrong  either  with 
the  investigation  or  with  the  investigator  when  preju- 
dice and  hatred  are  the  result.  It  is  a  mighty  poor  ex- 
cuse, however,  for  an  intelligent  man  to  put  forward 
either  on  his  own  behalf  or  on  behalf  of  those  whose 
minds  he  has  had  the  privilege  of  molding  over  a  course 
of  years. 

Prejudice  and  hatred  are  the  very  conditions  which 
a  scientific  study  of  the  Jewish  Question  will  forestall 
and  prevent.  We  prejudge  what  we  do  not  know,  and 
we  hate  what  we  do  not  understand;  the  study  of  the 
Jewish  Question  will  bring  knowledge  and  insight,  and 
not  to  the  Gentile  only,  but  also  to  the  Jew.  The  Jew 
needs  this  as  much,  even  more  than  the  Gentile.  For 
if  the  Jew  can  be  made  to  see,  understand  and  deal 
with  certain  matters,  then  a  large  part  of  the  Question 
vanishes  in  the  solution  of  ideal  common  sense.  Awak- 
ing the  Gentile  to  the  facts  about  the  Jew  is  only  part 
of  the  work;  awaking  the  Jew  to  the  facts  about  the 
Question  is  an  indispensable  part.  The  big  initial  vic- 
tory to  be  achieved  is  to  transform  Gentiles  from  being 


ARTHUR    BRISBANP:    TO    THE    HELP    OF    JEWRY  83 

mere  attackers  and  to  transform  Jews  from  being  mere 
defenders,  both  of  them  special  pleaders  for  partisan 
views,  and  to  turn  them  both  into  investigators.  The 
investigation  will  show  both  Gentile  and  Jew  at  fault, 
and  the  road  will  then  be  clear  for  wisdom  to  work  out 
a  result,  if  there  should  perchance  be  that  much  wisdom 
left  in  the  race. 

There  is  a  serious  snare  in  all  this  plea  for  tolerance. 
Tolerance  is  first  a  tolerance  of  the  truth.  Tolerance 
is  urged  today  for  the  sake  of  suppression.  There  can 
be  no  tolerance  until  there  is  first  a  full  understanding 
of  what  is  tolerated.  Ignorance,  suppression,  silence, 
collusion — these  are  not  tolerance.  The  Jew  never  has 
been  really  tolerated  in  the  higher  sense  because  he  has 
never  been  understood.  Mr.  Brisbane  does  not  assist 
the  understanding  of  this  people  by  reading  a  "simply 
written"  book  and  flinging  a  few  Jewish  names  about 
in  a  sea  of  type.  He  owes  it  to  his  own  mind  to  get  into 
the  Question,  whether  he  makes  newspaper  use  of  his 
discoveries  or  not. 

As  to  the  newspaper  angle,  it  is  impossible  to  report 
the  world  even  superficially  without  coming  everywhere 
against  the  fact  of  the  Jews,  and  the  Press  gets  around 
that  fact  by  referring  to  them  as  Russians,  Letts,  Ger- 
mans and  Englishmen.  This  mask  of  names  is  one  of 
the  most  confusing  elements  in  the  whole  problem. 
Names  that  actually  name',  statements  that  actually  de- 
fine are  needed  for  the  clarification  of  the  world's  mind. 

Mr.  Brisbane  should  study  this  question  for  the 
light  such  a  study  would  throw  on  other  matters  with 
which  he  is  concerned.  It  would  be  a  help  to  that  study 
if  from  time  to  time  he  would  publish  some  of  his  find- 
ings, because  such  publication  would  put  him  in  touch 
with  a  phase  of  Judaism  which  mere  complimentary 
editorials  could  not.  No  doubt  Mr.  Brisbane  has  been 
deluged  by  communications  which  praise  him  for  what 
he  has  written;  the  real  eye-opener  would  come  if  he 
could  get  several  bushels  of  the  other  kind.  Nothing 
that  has  ever  come  to  him  could  compare  with  what 
would  come  to  him  if  he  should  publish  even  one  of  the 
facts  he  could  discover  by  an  independent  investigation. 

Having  written  about  the  Jews,  Mr.  Brisbane  will 
probably  have  a  readier  eye  henceforth  for  other  men's 
pronouncements  on  the  same  subject.     In  his  casual 


84  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JE;W 

reading  he  will  find  more  references  to  the  Jew  than  he 
has  ever  noticed  before.  Some  of  them  will  probably 
appear  in  isolated  sentences  and  paragraphs  of  his  own 
papers.  Sooner  or  later,  every  competent  investigator 
and  every  honest  writer  strikes  a  trail  that  leads  toward 
Jewish  power  in  the  world.  The  Dearborn  Inde- 
pendent is  only  doing  with  system  and  detail  what 
other  publications  have  done  or  are  doing  piecemeal. 

There  is  a  real  fear  of  the  Jew  upon  the  publicity 
sources  of  the  United  States — a  fear  which  is  felt  and 
which  ought  to  be  analyzed.  Unless  it  is  a  very  great 
mistake,  Mr.  Brisbane  himself  has  felt  this  fear,  though 
it  is  quite  possible  he  has  not  scrutinized  it.  It  is  not 
the  fear  of  doing  injustice  to  a  race  of  people — all  of  us 
ought  to  have  that  honorable  fear — it  is  the  fear  of  do- 
ing anything  at  all  with  reference  to  them  except  un- 
stintedly praising  them.  An  independent  investiga- 
tion would  convince  Mr.  Brisbane  that  a  considerable 
modification  of  praise  in  favor  of  discriminate  criticism 
is  a  course  that  is  pressing  upon  American  journalism. 


Isme  of  July  3,    1920. 


VIII. 


Does  a  Definite  Jewish  World 
Program  Exist? 

IN  all  the  explanations  of  anti-Jewish  feeling  which 
modern  Jewish  spokesmen  make,  these  three  alleged 
causes  are  commonly  given — these  three  and  no  more: 
religious  prejudice,  economic  jealousy,  social  antipathy. 
Whether  the  Jew  knows  it  or  not,  every  Gentile  knows 
that  on  his  side  of  the  Jewish  Question  no  religious 
prejudice  exists.  Economic  jealousy  may  exist,  at  least 
to  this  extent,  that  his  uniform  success  has  exposed  the 
Jew  to  much  scrutiny.  A  few  Jewish  spokesmen  seek 
to  turn  this  scrutiny  by  denying  that  the  Jew  is  pre- 
eminent in  finance,  but  this  is  loyalty  in  extremity. 
The  finances  of  the  world  are  in  control  of  Jews;  their 
decisions  and  their  devices  are  themselves  our  economic 
law.  But  because  a  people  excels  us  in  finance  is  no 
sufficient  reason  for  caUing  them  to  the  bar  of  public 
judgment.  If  they  are  more  intellectually  able,  more 
persistently  industrious  than  we  are,  if  they  are  endowed 
with  faculties  which  have  been  denied  us  as  an  inferior 
or  slower  race,  that  is  no  reason  for  our  requiring  them 
to  give  an  account  of  themselves.  Economic  jealousy 
may  explain  some  of  the  anti-Jewish  feeling;  it  cannot 
account  for  the  presence  of  the  Jewish  Question  except 
as  the  hidden  causes  of  Jewish  financial  success  may 
become  a  minor  element  of  the  larger  problem.  And  as 
for  social  antipathy — there  are  many  more  undesirable 
Gentiles  in  the  world  than  there  are  undesirable  Jews, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  there  are  more  Gentiles. 

None  of  the  Jewish  spokesmen  today  mention  the 
political  cause,  or  if  they  come  within  suggestive  dis- 
tance of  it,  they  limit  and  locahze  it.  It  is  not  a  ques- 
tion of  the  patriotism  of  the  Jew,  though  this  too  is  very 
widely  questioned  in  all  the  countries.  You  hear  it  in 
England,  in  France,  in  Germany,  in  Poland,  in  Russia, 
in  Rumania — and,  with  a  shock,  you  hear  it  in  the 
United  States.  Books  have  been  written,  reports  pub- 
lished and  scattered  abroad,  statistics  skillfully  set  forth 
for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  Jew  does  his  part 


86  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

for  the  country  in  which  he  resides;  and  yet  the  fact 
remains  that  in  spite  of  these  most  zealous  and  highly 
sponsored  campaigns,  the  opposite  assertion  is  stronger 
and  lives  longer.  The  Jews  who  did  their  duty  in  the 
armies  of  Liberty,  and  did  it  doubtless  from  true- 
hearted  love  and  allegiance,  have  not  been  able  to  over- 
come the  impression  made  upon  officers  and  men  and 
civilians  by  those  who  did  not. 

But  that  is  not  what  is  here  meant  as  the  political 
element  in  the  Jewish  Question.  To  understand  why 
the  Jew  should  think  less  of  the  nationalities  of  the 
world  than  do  those  who  comprise  them  is  not  difficult. 
The  Jew's  history  is  one  of  wandering  among  them  all. 
Considering  living  individuals  only,  there  is  no  race  of 
people  now  upon  the  planet  who  have  lived  in  so  many 
places,  among  so  many  peoples  as  have  the  Jewish 
masses.  They  have  a  clearer  world-sense  than  a^iy 
other  people,  because  the  world  has  been  their  })ath. 
And  they  think  in  world  terms  more  than  any  nationally 
cloistered  people  could.  The  Jew  can  be  absolved  if  he 
does  not  enter  into  national  loyalties  and  prejudices 
with  the  same  intensity  as  the  natives;  the  Jew  has 
been  for  centuries  a  cosmopolitan.  While  under  a  flag 
he  may  be  correct  in  the  conduct  required  of  him  as  a 
citizen  or  resident,  inevitably  he  has  a  view  of  flags 
which  can  hardly  be  shared  by  the  man  who  has  known 
but  one  flag. 

The  political  element  inheres  in  the  fact  that  the 
Jews  form  a  nation  in  the  midst  of  the  nations.  Some 
of  their  spokesmen,  particularly  in  America,  deny  that, 
but  the  genius  of  the  Jew  himself  has  always  put  these 
spokesmen's  zeal  to  shame.  And  why  this  fact  of  na- 
tionhood should  be  so  strenuously  denied  is  not  always 
clear.  It  may  be  that  when  Israel  is  brought  to  see 
that  her  mission  in  the  world  is  not  to  be  achieved  by 
means  of  the  Golden  Calf,  her  very  cosmopolitanism 
with  regard  to  the  world  and  her  inescapable  national- 
istic integrity  with  regard  to  herself  will  together  prove 
a  great  and  serviceable  factor  in  bringing  about  human 
unity,  which  the  total  Jewish  tendency  at  the  present 
time  is  doing  much  to  prevent.  It  is  not  the  fact  that 
the  Jews  remain  a  nation  in  the  mjdst  of  the  nations;  it 
is  the  use  made  of  that  inescapable  status,  which  the 
world  has  found  reprehensible.     The  nations  have  tried 


DOES    A    JEWISH    WORLD    PROGRAM    EXIST?  87 

to  reduce  the  Jew  to  unity  with  themselves;  attempts 
toward  the  same  end  have  been  made  by  the  Jews  them- 
selves; but  destiny  seems  to  have  marked  them  out  to 
continuous  nationhood.  Both  the  Jews  and  the  World 
will  have  to  accept  that  fact,  find  the  good  prophecy  in 
it,  and  seek  the  channels  for  its  fulfillment. 

Theodor  Herzl,  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  Jews,  was 
perhaps  the  farthest-seeing  public  exponent  of  the  phi- 
losophy of  Jewish  existence  that  modern  generations 
have  known.  And  he  was  never  in  doubt  of  the  ex- 
istence of  the  Jewish  nation.  Indeed,  he  proclaimed 
its  existence  on  every  occasion.  He  said,  "We  are  a 
people — 0716  people.'^ 

He  clearly  saw  that  what  he  called  the  Jewish  Ques- 
tion was  poHtical.  In  his  introduction  to  "The  Jewish 
State"  he  says,  "I  believe  that  I  understand  anti- 
Semitism,  which  is  really  a  highly  complex  movement. 
I  consider  it  from  a  Jewish  standpoint,  yet  without  fear 
or  hatred.  I  believe  that  I  can  see  what  elements  there 
are  in  it  of  vulgar  sport,  of  common  trade  jealousy,  of 
inherited  prejudice,  of  religious  intolerance  and  also  of 
pretended  self-defense.  I  think  the  Jewish  Question  is 
no  more  a  social  than  a  religious  one,  notwithstanding 
that  it  sometimes  takes  these  and  other  forms.  It  is  a 
national  question,  which  can  only  be  solved  by  making  it 
a  political  ivorld-question  to  be  discussed  and  controlled 
by  the  civilized  nations  of  the  world  in  council." 

Not  only  did  Herzl  declare  that  the  Jews  formed  a 
nation,  but  when  questioned  by  Major  Evans  Gordon 
before  the  British  Royal  Commission  on  Alien  Immigra- 
tion in  August,  1902,  Dr.  Herzl  said:  "I  will  give  you 
my  definition  of  a  nation,  and  you  can  add  the  adjective 
'Jewish.'  A  nation  is,  in  my  mind,  an  historical  group 
of  men  of  a  recognizable  cohesion  held  together  by  a 
common  enemy.  That  is  in  my  view  a  nation.  Then 
if  yon  add  to  that  the  word  'Jewish'  you  have  what  I  under- 
stand to  he  the  Jewish  nation." 

Also,  in  relating  the  action  of  this  Jewish  nation  to 
the  world,  Dr.  Herzl  wrote — "When  we  sink,  we  become 
a  revolutionary  proletariat,  the  subordinate  officers  of 
the  revolutionary  party;  when  we  rise,  there  rises  also 
our  terrible  power  of  the  purse." 

This  view,  which  appears  to  be  the  true  view  in  that 
it  is  the  view  which  has  been  longest  sustained  in  Jewish 


88  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

thought,  is  brought  out  also  by  Lord  Eustace  Percy,  and 
re-pubhshed,  apparently  with  approval,  by  the  Cana- 
dian Jewish  Chronicle.  It  will  repay  a  careful  reading: 
"Liberalism  and  Nationalism,  with  a  flourish  of 
trumpets,  threw  open  the  doors  of  the  ghetto  and  of- 
fered equal  citizenship  to  the  Jew.  The  Jew  passed  out 
into  the  Western  World,  saw  the  power  and  the  glory 
of  it,  used  it  and  enjoyed  it,  laid  his  hand  indeed  upon 
the  nerve  centers  of  its  civilization,  guided,  directed  and 
exploited  it,  and  then — refused  the  offer  *  *  *More- 
over — and  this  is  a  remarkable  thing — the  Europe  of 
nationalism  and  liberalism,  of  scientific  government  and 
democratic  equality  is  more  intolerable  to  him  than  the 
old  oppressions  and  persecutions  of  despotism  *  *  * 
In  the  increasing  consolidation  of  the  western  nations, 

it  is  no  longer  possible  to  reckon  on  complete  toleration 

*     *     * 

"In  a  world  of  completely  organized  territorial  sov- 
ereignties he  (the  Jew)  has  only  two  possible  cities  of 
refuge :  he  must  either  pull  down  the  pillars  of  the  whole 
national  state  system  or  he  must  create  a  territorial 
sovereignty  of  his  own.  In  this  perhaps  lies  the  ex- 
planation both  of  Jewish  Bolshevism  and  of  Zionism,  for 
at  this  moment  Eastern  Jewry  seems  to  hover  uncer- 
tainly between  the  two. 

"In  Eastern  Europe  Bolshevism  and  Zionism  often 
seem  to  grow  side  by  side,  just  as  Jewish  influence 
molded  Republican  and  Socialist,  thought  throughout 
the  nineteenth  century,  down  to  the  Young  Turk  revo- 
lution in  Constantinople  hardly  more  than  a  decade  ago 
— not  because  the  Jew  cares  for  the  positive  side  of  radical 
philosophy,  7iot  because  he  desires  to  be  a  partaker  in 
Gentile  nationalism  or  Gentile  democracy,  but  because  no 
existing  Gentile  system  of  government  is  ever  anything  but 
distasteful  to  him." 

All  that  is  true,  and  Jewish  thinkers  of  the  more  fear- 
less type  always  recognize  it  as  true.  The  Jew  is  against 
the  Gentile  scheme  of  things.  He  is,  when  he  gives  his 
tendencies  full  sway,  a  Republican  as  against  the  mon- 
archy, a  Socialist  as  against  the  republic,  and  a  Bol- 
shevist as  against  Socialism. 

What  are  the  causes  of  this  disruptive  activity? 
First,  his  essential  lack  of  democracy.  Jewish  nature  is 
autocratic.     Democracy  is  all  right  for  the  rest  of  the 


DOES     A    JEWISH     WOK  1.1)     ]M<OGRAM     EXIST?  89 

world,  but  the  Jew  wherever  he  is  found  forms  an 
aristocraey  of  one  sort  or  another.  Democracy  is  mere- 
ly a  tool  of  a  word  whicli  Jewish  agitators  use  to  raise 
themselves  to  the  ordinary  level  in  places  where  they 
are  oppressed  below  it;  but  having  reached  the  common 
level  they  immediately  make  efforts  for  special  privi- 
leges, as  being  entitled  to  them — a  process  of  which  the 
late  Peace  Conference  will  remain  the  most  startling 
example.  The  Jews  today  are  the  only  people  whose 
special  and  extraordinary  privileges  are  written  into  the 
world's  Treaty  of  Peace.  But  more  of  that  at  another 
time. 

No  one  now  pretends  to  deny,  except  a  few  spokes- 
men who  really  do  not  rule  the  thought  of  the  Jews  but 
are  set  forth  for  the  sole  benefit  of  influencing  Gentile 
thought,  that  the  socially  and  economically  disruptive 
elements  abroad  in  the  world  today  are  not  only  manned 
but  also  moneyed  by  Jewish  interests.  For  a  long  time 
this  fact  was  held  in  suspense  owing  to  the  vigorous 
denial  of  the  Jews  and  the  lack  of  information  on  the 
part  of  those  agencies  of  publicity  to  which  the  public 
had  looked  for  its  information.  But  now  the  facts  are 
coming  forth.  Herzl's  words  are  being  proved  to  be 
true — "when  we  sink,  we  become  a  revolutionary  pro- 
letariat, the  subordinate  officers  of  the  revolutionary  party" 
— and  these  words  were  first  published  in  English  in 
1896,  or  24  years  ago. 

Just  now  these  tendencies  are  working  in  two  direc- 
tions, one  for  the  tearing  down  of  the  Gentile  states  all 
over  the  world,  the  other  for  the  establishment  of  a  Jew- 
ish state  in  Palestine.  The  latter  project  has  the  best 
wishes  of  the  whole  world,  but  it  is  far  from  having  the 
best  wishes  of  the  whole,  or  even  the  larger  part  of 
Jewry.  The  Zionist  party  makes  a  great  deal  of  noise, 
but  it  is  really  an  unrepresentative  minority.  It  can 
scarcely  be  designated  as  more  than  an  unusually  am- 
bitious colonization  scheme.*  It  is  doubtless  serving, 
however,  as  a  very  useful  public  screen  for  the  carrying 
on  of  secret  activities.  International  Jews,  the  con- 
trollers of  the  world's  governmental  and  financial  power, 
may  meet  anywhere,  at  any  time,  in  war  time  or  peace 
time,  and  by  giving  out  that  they  are  only  considering 
the  ways  and  means  of  opening  up  Palestine  to  the  Jews, 
they  easily  escape  the  suspicion  of  being  together  on  any 

*  See  note  on  page  95. 


90  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

other  business.  The  AHies  and  enemies  of  the  Gentile 
nations  at  war  thus  met  and  were  not  molested.  It  was 
at  a  Zionist  conference — the  sixth,  held  in  1903 — that 
the  recent  war  was  exactly  predicted,  its  progress  and 
outcome  indicated,  and  the  relation  of  the  Jews  to  the 
Peace  Treaty  outlined. 

That  is  to  say,  though  Jewish  nationalism  exists,  its 
enshrinement  in  a  state  to  be  set  up  in  Palestine  is  not 
the  project  that  is  engaging  the  whole  Jewish  nation 
now.  The  Jews  will  not  move  to  Palestine  just  yet;  it 
may  be  said  that  they  will  not  move  at  all  merely  be- 
cause of  the  Zionist  movement.  Quite  another  motive 
will  be  the  cause  of  the  exodus  out  of  the  Gentile  na- 
tions, when  the  time  for  that  exodus  fully  comes. 

As  Donald  A.  Cameron,  late  British  Consul-General 
at  Alexandra,  a  man  fully  in  sympathy  with  Zionism 
and  much  quoted  in  the  Jewish  press,  says:  ''The 
Jewish  immigrants  (into  Palestine)  will  tire  of  taking 
in  one  another's  washing  at  three  per  cent,  of  winning 
one  another's  money  in  the  family,  and  their  sons  will 
hasten  by  train  and  steamer  to  win  10  per  cent  in 
Egypt  *  *  *  The  Jew  by  himself  in  Palestine  will 
eat  his  head  off;  he  will  kick  his  stable  to  pieces."  Un- 
doubtedly the  time  for  the  exodus — at  least  the  motive 
for  the  exodus — is  not  yet  here. 

The  political  aspect  of  the  Jewish  Question  which 
is  now  engaging  at  least  three  of  the  great  nations — 
France,  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States— has  to 
do  with  matters  of  the  present  organization  of  the  Jew- 
ish nation.  Must  it  wait  until  it  reaches  Palestine  to 
have  a  State,  or  is  it  an  organized  State  now?  Does 
Jewry  know  what  it  is  doing?  Has  it  a  "foreign  pol- 
icy" with  regard  to  the  Gentiles?  Has  it  a  department 
which  is  executing  that  foreign  policy?  Has  this  Jew- 
ish State,  visible  or  invisible,  if  it  exists,  a  head?  Has 
it  a  Council  of  State?  And  if  any  of  these  things  is  so, 
who  is  aware  of  it? 

The  first  impulsive  answer  of  the  Gentile  mind 
would  be  "No"  to  all  these  questions — it  is  a  Gentile 
habit  to  answer  impulsively.  Never  having  been  train- 
ed in  secrets  or  invisible  unity,  the  Gentile  immediately 
concludes  that  such  things  cannot  be,  if  for  no  other 
reason  than  that  they  have  not  crossed  his  path  and 
advertised  themselves. 


DOES    A    JEWISH    \\  oRi^O    PROGRAM    EXIST?  91 

The  questions,  however,  answered  thus,  require 
some  explanation  of  the  circumstances  which  are  visible 
to  all  men.  If  there  is  no  deliberate  combination  of 
Jews  in  the  world,  then  the  control  which  they  have 
achieved  and  the  uniformity  of  the  policies  which  they 
follow  must  be  the  simple  result,  not  of  deliberate  de- 
cisions, but  of  a  similar  nature  in  all  of  them  working 
out  the  same  way.  Thus,  we  might  say  that  as  a  love 
for  adventure  on  the  water  drove  the  Britisher  forth, 
so  it  made  him  the  world's  great  colonist.  Not  that 
he  deliberately  sat  down  with  himself  and  in  formal 
manner  resolved  that  he  would  become  a  colonizer,  but 
the  natural  outworking  of  his  genius  resulted  that  way. 
But  would  this  be  a  sufficient  account  of  the  British 
Empire? 

Doubtless  the  Jews  have  the  genius  to  do,  wherever 
they  go,  the  things  in  which  we  see  them  excel.  But 
does  this  account  for  the  relations  which  exist  between 
the  Jews  of  every  country,  for  their  world  councils,  for 
their  amazing  foreknowledge  of  stupendous  events 
which  break  with  shattering  surprise  on  the  rest  of 
the  world,  for  the  smoothness  and  preparedness  with 
which  they  appear,  at  a  given  time  in  Paris,  with  a 
world  program  on  which  they  all  agree? 

The  world  has  long  suspected — at  first  only  a  few, 
then  the  secret  departments  of  the  governments,  next 
the  intellectuals  among  the  people,  now  more  and  more 
the  common  people  themselves — that  not  only  are  the 
Jew's  a  nation  distinct  from  all  the  other  nations  and 
mysteriously  unable  to  sink  their  nationality  by  any 
means  they  or  the  world  may  adopt  to  this  end,  but 
that  they  also  constitute  a  state;  that  they  are  na- 
tionally conscious,  not  only,  but  consciously  united 
for  a  common  defense  and  for  a  common  purpose. 
Revert  to  Theodor  Herzl's  definition  of  the  Je-^ish 
nation,  as  held  to  gether  by  a  common  enemy,  and  then 
reflect  that  this  common  enemy  is  the  Gentile  world. 
Does  this  people  w^hich  knows  itself  to  be  a  nation 
remain  loosely  unorganized  in  the  face  of  that  fact? 
It  would  hardly  be  like  Jewish  astuteness  in  other 
fields.  When  you  see  how  closely  the  Jews  are  united 
by  various  organizations  in  the  United  States,  and 
when  you  see  how  w'ith  practiced  hand  they  bring 
those  organizations  to  bear  as  if  with  tried  confidence 


^2  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

in  their  pressure,  it  is  at  least  not  inconceivable  that 
what  can  be  done  within  a  country  can  be  done,  or  has 
been  done,  between  all  the  countries  where  the  Jews 
live. 

At  any  rate,  in  the  American  Hebrew  of  June  25, 
1920,  Herman  Bernsteiii  writes  thus:  "About  a  year 
ago  a  representative  of  the  Department  of  Justice  sub- 
mitted to  me  a  copy  of  the  manuscript  of  'The  Jewish 
Peril'  by  Professor  Nilus,  and  asked  for  my  opinion  of 
the  work.  He  said  that  the  manuscript  was  a  transla- 
tion of  a  Russian  book  published  in  1905  which  was 
later  suppressed.  The  manuscript  was  supposed  to 
contain  'protocols'  of  the  Wise  Men  of  Zion  and  was 
supposed  to  have  been  read  by  Dr.  Herzl  at  a  secret 
conference  of  the  Zionist  Congress  at  Basle.  He  ex- 
pressed the  opinion  that  the  work  was  probably  that  of 

Dr.    Theodor    Herzl He    said    that    some 

American  Senators  who  had  seen  the  manuscript  were 
amazed  to  find  that  so  many  years  ago  a  scheme  had 
been  elaborated  by  the  Jews  which  is  now  being  carried 
out,  and  that  Bolshevism  had  been  planned  years  ago 
by  Jews  who  sought  to  destroy  the  world." 

This  quotation  is  made  merely  to  put  on  record  the 
fact  that  it  was  a  representative  of  the  Department  of 
Justice  of  the  United  States  Government,  who  intro- 
duced this  document  to  Mr.  Bernstein,  and  expressed  a 
certain  opinion  upon  it,  namely,  "that  the  work  was 
probably  that  of  Dr.  Theodor  Herzl."  Also  that  "some 
American  Senators"  were  amazed  to  note  the  compari- 
son between  what  a  publication  of  the  year  1905  pro- 
posed and  what  the  year  1920  revealed. 

The  incident  is  all  the  more  preoccupying  because 
it  occurred  by  action  of  the  representative  of  a  govern- 
ment who  today  is  very  largely  in  the  hands  of,  or 
under  the  influence  of,  Jewish  interests.  It  is  more 
than  probable  that  as  soon  as  the  activity  became 
known,  the  investigator  was  stopped.  But  it  is 
equally  probable  that  whatever  orders  may  have  been 
given  and  apparently  obeyed,  the  investigation  may 
not  have  stopped. 

The  United  States  Government  was  a  little  late  in 
the  matter,  however.  At  least  four  other  world 
powers  had  preceded  it,  some  by  many  years.  A  copy 
of  the  Protocols  was  deposited  in  the  British  Museum 


DOES    A    JEWISH    WORLD    PROGRAM     EXIST?  93 

and  bears  on  it  the  stamp  of  that  institution,  "August 
10,  1906."  The  notes  themselves  probably  date  from 
1896,  or  the  year  of  the  utterances  previously  quoted 
from  Dr.  Herzl.  The  first  Zionist  Congress  convened 
in  1897. 

The  document  was  published  in  England  recently 
under  auspices  that  challenged  attention  for  it,  in  spite 
of  the  unfortunate  title  under  which  it  appeared.  Eyre 
and  Spottiswoode  are  the  appointed  printers  to  the 
British  Government,  and  it  was  they  who  brought  out 
the  pamphlet.  It  was  as  if  the  Government  Printing 
Office  at  Washington  should  issue  them  in  this  country. 
While  there  was  the  usual  outcry  by  the  Jewish  press, 
the  London  Times  in  a  review  pronounced  all  the 
Jewish  counter-attacks  as  "unsatisfactory." 

The  Times  noticed  what  will  probably  be  the  case 
in  this  country  also  that  the  Jewish  defenders  leave 
the  text  of  the  protocols  alone,  while  thej^  lay  heav}'- 
emphasis  on  the  fact  of  their  anonymity.  When  they 
refer  to  the  substance  of  the  document  at  all  there  is 
one  form  of  words  which  recurs  very  often — "it  is  the 
work  of  a  criminal  or  a  madman." 

The  protocols,  without  name  attached,  appearing 
for  the  most  part  in  manuscripts  here  and  there, 
laboriously  copied  out  from  hand  to  hand,  being  spon- 
sored by  no  authority  that  was  willing  to  stand  behind 
it,  assiduously  studied  in  the  secret  departments  of  the 
governments  and  passed  from  one  to  another  among 
higher  officials,  have  lived  on  and  on,  increasing  in 
power  and  prestige  by  the  sheer  force  of  their  contents. 
A  marvelous  achievement  for  either  a  criminal  or  a 
madman!  The  only  evidence  it  has  is  that  which  it 
carries  within  it,  and  that  internal  evidence  is,  as  the 
London  Times  points  out,  the  point  on  which  atten- 
tion is  to  be  focused,  and  the  very  point  from  which 
Jewish  effort  has  been  expended  to  draw  us  away. 

The  interest  of  the  Protocols  at  this  time  is  their 
bearing  on  the  questions:  Have  the  Jews  an  organized 
world  system?  What  is  its  policy?  How  is  it  being 
worked? 

These  questions  all  receive  full  attention  in  the 
Protocols.  Whosoever  was  the  mind  that  conceived 
them  possessed  a  knowledge  of  human  nature,  of  his- 
tory and  of  statecraft  which  is  dazzling  in  its  brilliant 


94  THE    INTERNA'TIONAL   JEW 

completeness,  and  terrible  in  the  objects  to  which  it 
turns  its  powers.  Neither  a  madman  nor  an  inten- 
tional criminal,  but  more  likely  a  super-mind  mastered 
by  devotion  to  a  people  and  a  faith  could  be  the  au- 
thor, if  indeed  one  mind  alone  conceived  them.  It  is 
too  terribly  real  for  fiction,  too  well-sustained  for 
speculation,  too  deep  in  its  knowledge  of  the  secret 
springs  of  life  for  forgery. 

Jewish  attacks  upon  it  thus  far  make  much  of  the 
fact  that  it  came  out  of  Russia.  That  is  hardly  true. 
It  came  by  way  of  Russia.  It  was  incorporated  in  a 
Russian  book  published  about  1905  by  a  Professor 
Nilus,  who  attempted  to  interpret  the  Protocols  by 
events  then  going  forward  in  Russia.  This  publica- 
tion and  interpretation  gave  it  a  Russian  tinge  which 
has  been  useful  to  Jewish  propagandists  in  this  coun- 
try and  England,  because  these  same  propagandists 
have  been  very  successful  in  establishing  in  Anglo- 
Saxon  mentalities  a  certain  atmosphere  of  thought 
surrounding  the  idea  of  Russia  and  Russians.  One  of 
the  biggest  humbugs  ever  foisted  on  the  world  has 
been  that  foisted  by  Jewish  propagandists,  principally 
on  the  American  public,  with  regard  to  the  temper  and 
genius  of  the  truly  Russian  people.  So,  to  intimate 
that  the  Protocols  are  Russian,  is  partially  to  discredit 
them. 

The  internal  evidence  makes  it  clear  that  the  Pro- 
tocols were  not  written  by  a  Russian,  nor  originally  in 
the  Russian  language,  nor  under  the  influence  of  Rus- 
sian conditions.  But  they  found  their  way  to  Russia 
and  were  first  published  there.  They  have  been  found 
by  diplomatic  officers  in  manuscript  in  all  parts  of  the 
world.  Wherever  Jewish  power  is  able  to  do  so,  it  has 
suppressed  them,  sometimes  under  the  supreme  pen- 
alty. 

Their  persistence  is  a  fact  which  challenges  the 
mind.  Jewish  apologists  may  explain  that  persistence 
on  the  ground  that  the  Protocols  feed  the  anti-Semitic 
temper,  and  therefore  are  preserved  for  that  service. 
Certainly  there  was  no  wide  nor  deep  anti-Semitic 
temper  in  the  United  States  to  be  fed  or  that  felt  the 
greed  for  agreeable  lies  to  keep  itself  alive.  The  prog- 
ress of  the  Protocols  in  the  United  States  can  only 
be  explained  on  the  ground  that  they  supply  light  and 


DOES    A    JEWISH    WORLD    PROGRAM     EXIST?  95 

give  meaning  to  certain  previously  observed  facts,  and 
that  this  light  and  meaning  is  so  startling  as  to  give  a 
certain  standing  and  importance  to  these  otherwise 
unaccredited  documents.  Sheer  lies  do  not  live  long, 
their  power  soon  dies.  These  Protocols  are  more  alive 
than  ever.  They  have  penetrated  higher  places  than 
ever  before.  They  have  compelled  a  more  serious  at- 
titude to  them  than  ever  before. 

The  Protocols  would  not  be  more  worthy  of  study 
if  they  bore,  say,  the  name  of  Theodor  Herzl.  Their 
anonymity  does  not  decrease  their  power  any  more 
than  the  omission  of  a  painter's  signature  detracts 
from  the  art  value  of  a  painting.  Indeed,  theProto- 
cols  are  better  without  a  known  source.  For  if  it  were 
definitely  known  that  in  France  or  Switzerland  in  the 
year  1896,  or  thereabouts,  a  group  of  International 
Jews',  assembled  in  conference,  drew  up  a  program  of 
world  conquest  it  would  still  have  to  be  shown  that 
such  a  program  was  more  than  a  mere  vagary,  that  it 
was  confirmed  at  large  by  efforts  to  fulfill  it.  The 
Protocols  are  a  World  Program — there  is  no  doubt 
anywhere  of  that.  Whose  program,  is  stated  within 
the  articles  themselves.  But  as  for  outer  confirma- 
tion, which  would  be  the  more  valuable — a  signature, 
or  six  signatures,  or  twenty  signatures,  or  a  25-year 
unbroken  line  of  effort  fulfilling  that  program? 

The  point  of  interest  for  this  and  other  countries 
is  not  that  a  "criminal  or  a  madman"  conceived  such  a 
program,  but  that,  when  conceived,  this  program 
found  means  of  getting  itself  fulfilled  in  its  most 
important  particulars.  The  document  is  compara- 
tively unimportant;  the  conditions  to  which  it  calls 
attention  are  of  a  very  high  degree  of  importance. 


NOTE: 

The  statements  indicated    are    those  of  non-Zionist  Jewi 

».     Th 

program  is 

that  program  which  is  executed.     It  was  the  Zionist  prograi 

n  that 

by  the  Peac 

e  Conference.     It  must  therefore  be  regarded  as  the  officii 

il  prog 

of  Jaly  10,  1920. 


"We  are  a  people — One  people  ....  When  we 
sink,  we  become  a  revolutionary  proletariat,  the 
subordinate  officers  of  a  revolutiotmry  party; 
when  zve  rise,  there  rises  also  our  terrible  poiver 
of  the  purse." 
— Theodor  Herzl,  "A   Jewish  State,"  pp.   5,  23. 


IX. 


The  Historic  Basis  of  Jewish 
Imperialism 

A  GREAT  unloosening  of  speech  with  reference  to 
the  Jewish  Question  and  the  Jewish  program  for 
world  power  has  occurred  in  this  country  since  the 
beginning  of  this  series  of  articles.  It  is  now  possible 
to  pronounce  the  word  "Jew"  in  a  perfectly  serious 
discussion,  without  timidity,  or  without  intimidation. 
Heretofore  that  has  been  regarded  as  the  special  pre- 
rogative of  the  Jewish  publicists  themselves  and  they 
have  used  the  name  exclusively  in  well-  organized  and 
favorable  propaganda.  They  can  oust  portions^pf 
Shakespeare  from  the  pu"blic  schools  orL  the  ground 
that  the  Jews  are  otf ended;  they  "can  demand  the 
removal  of  one  of  Sargent's  paintings  from  the  Boston 
Library  because  it  represents  the  Synagogue  in  a 
decline.  But  when  anything  emanates  from  the 
Gentile  side  which  indicates  that  the  Gentile  is  also 
conscious  of  the  Jew,  then  the  charge  of  prejudice  is 
instantly  and  strongly  made.  The  effect  of  that  in 
this  country  has  been  a  ban  on  speech  which  has  had 
^^,--^w  parallelsTh  ou!^ltstory.  Kecentiy  at  a  banquet  a 
speaker  used  the  term  "Jews"  in  reference  to  the 
actions  of  a  group  of  Jewish  bankers.  A  Jewish 
guest  leaped  to  his  feet  demanding  to  know  if  the 
speaker  considered  it  "American"  to  single  out  a  race 
that  way.  The  speaker  replied,  "I  do,  sir,"  and 
received  the  approval  of  the  audience.  In  that  par- 
ticular part  of  the  country,  business  men's  tongues 
had  been  tied  for  years  by  the  unwritten  law  that 
Jews  must  never  be  singled  out  as  Jews. 

No  one  would  have  predicted  a  year  ago  that  a 
newspaper  like  the  Chicago  Tribune  could  have  con- 
vinced itself  that  it  was  good  newspaper  policy  to 
print  in  the  first  column  of  its  first  page  a  copy- 
righted article  on  the  Jewish  program  for  world  rule, 
printing  the  word  "Jew"  in  large  letters  in  its  head- 
line, and  abstaining  from  editorial  retouching  of  the 
word  "Jew"  in  the  body  of  the  article.     The  usual 


98  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

plan  is  to  do  what  an  eastern  newspaper  did  when 
deahng  with  the  same  subject:  wherever  the  term 
"international  Jew"  occurred  in  the  article  which  it 
printed,  it  was  retouched  to  "financiers." 

The  Chicago  Tribune,  however,  on  Saturday,  June 
19,  1920,  printed  in  the  first  column  of  the  first  page 
a  cable  dispatch  from  John  Clayton,  its  special  cor- 
respondent, under  the  heading:  "Trotsky  Leads 
Jew-Radicals  to  World  Rule.  Bolshevism  Only  a 
Tool  for  His  Scheme." 

The  first  paragraph  reads  as  follows: 

"For  the  last  two  years  army  intelligence  of- 
ficers, members  of  the  various  secret  service  or- 
ganizations of  the  Entente,  have  been  bringing 
in  reports  of  a  world  revolutionary  movement 
other  than  Bolshevism.  At  first  these  reports 
confused  the  two,  but  latterly  the  lines  they  have 
taken  have  begun  to  be  more  and  more  clear." 

As  previously  stated  in  The  Dearborn  Independ- 
NT,  our  own  secret  service  is  one  of  these,  though 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  because  of  the  influence 
of  J_cws  upon  the  government  these_Jnvestigations 
were  not  pursued  with  the  persistency  that  might 
otherwise  have  been  given  them  However,  we  know 
"^from  Jewish  sources,  not  to  mention  any  other,  that 
the  Department  of  Justice  of  the  United  States  was 
at  one  time  interested  enough  to  make  inquiries. 

What  the  Tribune  writer  does  in  the  above  para- 
graph is  to  show  that  this  interest  has  been  sustained 
for  two  years  by  officials  of  the  Entente,  a  fact  which 
ought  to  be  borne  in  mind  by  those  who  declare  that 
the   whole    matter   is   of   German   instigation.     The 
emergence    of    the    Jewish    Question    into   American 
thought  was  immediately  met  by  the  statement  from 
V<^      Jewish  sources  that  it  was  a  German  importation, 
n  }%    \      and  that  the  anti-Semitism  which  flowed  over  Ger- 
V    \/\^    many  and  resulted  in  c\p^.mr\p-  autjhe. jxii.ar\yh^}m\T\pr 
■  \r        Jewish  revolulimiax^Lunfluences  from  the  new  Ger- 
A^  man  Government,   was  only  a  trick  to  throw  the 

^  blame  for  the  defeat  of  Germany  on  the  Jews.     Amer- 

ican rabbis  are  even  pow  unitedly  preaching  that 
history  shows  that  every  great  war  is  followed  by  a 
new  "attack"  on  the  Jews.  It  is  undoubtedly  a  fact 
that  every  war  newly  opens  the  people's  eyes  to  the 


THE    HISTORIC    BASIS    OF   JEWISH    IMPERIALISM  99 

power  which  internatioiial  Jewish  fiiianciera— ex€'ft- 
\yith  reference  to  waf-^-and  it  would  seem  that  such 
a" fact  iS"^wc)rthy''ora~betteE  explanation  than  that  of 
"prejudice."  However,  as  the  Tribune  article  shows, 
and  as  all  the  facts  confirm,  the  interest  is  not  con- 
fined to  the  German  side;  indeed,  it  is  not  even 
strongest  there.  It  is  "the  various  secret  service  or- 
ganizations of  the  Entente"  that  have  been  most 
active  in  the  matter. 

The  second  paragraph  further  distinguishes  be- 
tween Bolshevism  and  Jewish  imperialism: 

"Bolshevism  aims  for  the  overthrow  of  exist- 
ing society  and  the  establishment  of  an  interna- 
tional brotherhood  of  men  who  work  with  their 
hands  as  rulers  of  the  world.  The  second  move- 
ment aims  for  the  establishment  of  a  new  racial 
dGmination  cf  the  world.  So  far  as  the  British, 
French  and  our  own  department's  inquiry  have 
been  able  to  trace,  the  moving  spirits  in  the 
second  scheme  are  Jewish  radicals." 
Other  statements  in  the  article  are: 

"Within  the  ranks  of  communism  is  a  group 
of  this  party,  but  it  does  not  stop  there.     To  its 
leaders,  communism  is  only  an  incident." 
(This  will  recall  the  statement  of  Lord  Eustace 
Percy,  quoted  last  week  from  the  Canadian  Jewish 
Chronicle — "Not  because  the  Jew  cares  for  the  posi- 
tive side  of  radical  philosophy,  not  because  he  de- 
sires to  be  a  partaker  in  Gentile  nationalism  or  Gen- 
tile democrac}',  but  because  no  existing  Gentile  sys- 
tem  of   government   is   anvthing   but   distasteful   to 
him.") 

"They  are  ready  to  use  the  Islamic  revolt, 
hatred  by  the  central  empires  for  England, 
Japan's  designs  on  India,  and  commercial  ri- 
valry between  America  and  Japan." 

"As  any  movement  of  world  revolution  must 
be,  this  is  primarily  a nti- Anglo-Saxon." 

"The  organization  of  the  world  Jewish-radical 
movement  has  been  perfected  in  almost  every 
land." 

"The  aims  of  the  Jewish-radical  party  have 
nothing  of  altruism  behind  them  beyond  libera- 
tion of  their  own  race." 


100  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

It  will  be  conceded  that  these  are  rather  startling 
statements.  If  they  were  found  in  a  propagandist 
publication  of  no  responsibility,  the  average  reader 
might  pass  them  by  as  preposterous,  so  little  does 
the  average  reader  know  of  the  secret  influences 
which  shape  his  life  and  frame  his  problems.  But 
appearing  in  a  great  newspaper,  they  must  receive 
a  different  evaluation. 

Nor  did  the  Tribune  stop  at  the  news  article.  On 
June  21,  1920,  an  editorial  appeared  entitled  ''World 
Mischief."  The  editorial  is  evidently  an  effort  to 
prevent  possible  misunderstanding  of  what  the  news 
article  was  driving  at. 

"The  Jewish  phase  of  the  movement,  he  asserts, 
aims  at  a  new  racial  domination  of  the  world  ..." 

The  Tribune  also  says  that  while  it  is  perhaps  nat- 
ural for  the  Jews  of  other  countries  to  be  engaged  in 
this  "world  mischief,"  the  Jews  of  England  and  the 
United  States  "are  loyal  nationalists  and  conserva- 
tive upholders  of  the  national  traditions."  It  were 
well  if  this  were  true.  Perhaps  it  is  true  of  tens  of 
thousands  of  Jews  as  individuals;  it  certainly  is  not 
true  of  those  internationalists  who  pull  the  strings  of 
all  the  governments  and  who  during  the  last  six 
tragic  years  have  been  meddling  with  world  affairs 
in  a  way  which  must  soon  be  plainly  told.  The  un- 
fortunate circumstance  is  that  all  the  American  and 
English  Jews  must  for  a  time  feel  a  distress  which 
no  one  desires  them,  to  feel,  which  everyone  would 
do  much  to  save  them  from,  but  which  seems  inevi- 
table until  the  whole  story  is  told  and  until  the  mass 
of  the  Jews  themselves  cut  off  from  their  name  and 
support  some  who  now  receive  their  deepest  homage. 

It  is  worth  while  observing  the  contrasts  and  sim- 
ilarities between  the  Gentile  and  Jewish  reaction  to 
this  alleged  movement  to  establish  a  Jewish  impe- 
rialism over  the  world.  Jewish  publicists  first  deny 
it  without  qualification.  It  is  all  false,  all  a  lie,  all 
hatched  up  by  enemies  of  the  Jews  in  order  to  stir 
up  hatred  and  murder.  As  the  evidence  accumulates, 
the  Jewish  tone  changes:  "Well,  suppose  it  is  true," 
the  publicists  say;  "is  it  any  wonder  that  the  poor 
oppressed   Jews,    driven   to   madness   through   their 


THE    HISTORIC    BASIS    OF  JEWISH    IMPERIALISM         101 

sufferings,  should  dream  dreams  of  overthrowing 
their  enemies  and  placing  themselves  in  the  seat  of 
authority?" 

The  Gentile  mind,  confronted  with  the  statement, 
says:  "Yes,  but  they  are  Russian  Jews.  Don't  mind 
them  American  Jews  are  all  right.  They  would 
never  be  taken  in  by  anything  like  that."  Going  a 
little  deeper  into  the  subject,  the  Gentile  mind  is 
forced  to  admit  the  existence  of  some  kind  of  a  sub- 
versive world  movement,  the  power  of  which  has 
shaken  even  this  country,  and  that  the  moving  spirits 
in  it  are  revolutionary  Jews.  And  then  the  tendency 
from  that  point  forward  is  either  to  fall  in  with  the 
theory  that  the  movement  is  really  Jewish  in  its 
origin,  agitation,  execution  and  purpose,  or  to  set  up 
the  theory  that  it  is  a  "world  movement"  undoubt- 
edly, but  only  incidentally  Jewish.  The  end  of  both 
Jewish  and  Gentile  reaction  is  an  admission  that 
something  answering  to  the  movement  charged  ac- 
tually exists. 

For  example,  the  Christian  Science  Monitor,  whose 
standard  as  a  newspaper  no  one  will  question,  has 
this  to  say  in  a  lengthy  editorial  on  the  subject: 
"In  spite  of  this,  it  would  be  a  tremendous 
mistake  to  conclude  that  the  Jewish  peril,  given 
another  name  and  atmosphere,  does  not  exist. 
It  might,  indeed,  be  renamed,  out  of  one  of  the 
grandest  of  the  books  of  the   Old   Testament, 
'the  terror  by  night,'  for  it  is,  essentially,  the 
Psalmist's  concept  of  the  forces  of  mental  evil, 
at  which,  consciously  or  unconsciously.  Profes- 
sor  Nilus   is   aiming.     In   other   words,    that   a 
secret  international  political  organization  exists, 
working  unremittingly  by  means  of  its  Bureau 
of  Psychology,  though  the  world  which  should 
be  awake  to  it  is  entirely  asleep  to  it,  is,  to  the 
man  who  can  read  the  signs  of  the  times,  a  thing 
unquestionable." 
The  Monitor  gives  warning  against  prejudice  and 
disregard  of  the  laws  of  evidence  which  is  exceed- 
ingly timely  and  is,  indeed,  the  desire  of  anyone  who 
has  ever  undertaken  to  deal  with  this  subject,  but  too 
often  it  is  a  disregard  of  facts  and  not  of  evidence 
that  makes  the  difficulty.     It  is  safe  to  say  that  most 


102  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

of  the  prejudice  today  is  against  the  facts,  it  has  not 
been  caused  by  them. 

There  are  two  preconceptions  to  be  guarded 
against  in  making  an  approach  to  this  question.  One 
is  that  the  Jewish  imperiahstic  program,  if  such  a 
thing  exists,  is  of  recent  origin.  Upon  the  mere  men- 
tion of  such  a  program,  Gentiles  are  likely  to  think 
that  it  was  formulated  last  week,  or  last  year,  or 
within  recent  time.  That  need  not  be  the  case  at 
all,  and  in  Jewish  matters  it  is  very  likely  not  to  be 
the  case.  It  is  very  easy  to  see  how,  if  the  program 
were  to  be  formulated  today,  it  would  be  wholly  dif- 
ferent from  the  one  which  is  to  be  considered.  The 
kind  of  program  that  would  be  made  today  indeed 
exists  too,  but  it  is  not  to  be  compared  in  extent  and 
profundity  with  that  which  has  existed  for  a  very 
long  time.  Perfect  constitutions  of  invisible  govern- 
ments are  not  the  creations  of  secret  conventions; 
they  are  the  accumulated  thought  and  experience  of 
centuries.  Moreover,  no  matter  how  prone  a  mod- 
ern generation  may  be  to  disregard  such  things,  the 
mere  fact  that  they  may  have  existed  as  a  secret 
racial  ideal  for  centuries  is  a  powerful  argument  for 
their  respectable  acceptance,  if  not  active  execution, 
by  the  generation  that  now  is.  There  is  no  idea 
deeper  in  Judaism  than  that  Jews  constitute  a  Chosen 
People  and  that  their  future  is  to  be  more  glorious 
than  their  past.  A  large  part  of  the  Christian  world 
accepts  that,  too,  and  it  may  well  be  true,  but  in  a 
moral  universe  it  cannot  come  to  pass  by  the  methods 
which  have  been  and  are  being  used. 

But  to  mention  the  ancient  lineage  of  the  idea  of 
the  Chosen  People  is  merely  to  suggest  that  of  all 
the  programs  that  may  have  gathered  round  it  to 
assist  its  full  historical  realization,  it  is  not  strange 
that  there  should  be  one  very  old  one  to  which  the 
wisest  minds  of  Israel  have  contributed  their  best  of 
mind  and  heart  to  insure  its  success.  That  there  is 
such  a  plan  has  been  the  belief  of  many  deep  delvers 
in  the  hidden  things  of  the  world,  and  that  such  a 
plan  has  at  times  had  its  dress  rehearsals,  so  to  speak, 
on  a  limited  stage,  as  if  in  preparation  for  its  grand 
finale  on  the  universal  stage,  is  another  belief  held 
by  men  at  whose  knowledge  it  is  impossible  to  cavil. 


THE    HISTORIC    BASIS    OF   JEWISH    IMPERIALISM  103 

So,  then,  it  may  be  that  we  are  dealing  with  some- 
thing for  which  present-day  Jews,  even  the  more  im- 
portant internationalists,  are  not  originally  respon- 
sible. It  may  have  come  to  them  as  part  of  their 
ancient  Jewish  inheritance.  Certainly,  if  it  were  a 
mere  modern  thing,  hastily  conceived  and  thrown 
together  after  the  modern  fashion,  it  could  be  ex- 
pected to  disappear  in  the  same  era  which  saw  it  born. 

Another  preconception  to  be  guarded  against  is 
that  every  Jew  one  meets  has  secret  knowledge  of 
this  program.  That  is  not  the  case.  With  the  gen- 
eral idea  of  the  ultimate  triumph  of  Israel  every  Jew 
who  has  retained  contact  with  his  people  is  familiar, 
but  with  the  special  plans  which  for  centuries  have 
existed  in  formulated  form  for  the  attainment  of  that 
triumph,  the  average  Jew  is  no  more  familiar  than 
anyone  else — no  more  so  than  was  the  average  Ger- 
man with  the  secret  plans  of  the  Pan-Germanic  party 
whose  ideas  started  and  guided' the  recent  war.  The 
average  Jew  enters  into  the  plans  of  the  secret  group 
just  to  this  extent,  except  in  specially  selected  cases: 
It  is  perfectly  understood  that  the  consummation  of 
the  Jewish  triumph  will  not  be  distasteful  to  any 
Jew,  and  if  the  methods  to  be  used  toward  the  end 
are  a  bit  violent,  every  Jew  can  be  depended  upon  to 
see  in  that  violence  a  very  insufficient  retribution 
visited  upon  the  Gentile  world  for  the  sufferings 
which  it  has  caused  the  sons  of  Judah  throughout 
the  centuries. 

Still,  with  even  these  preconceptions  guarded 
against,  there  is  no  escape  from  the  conclusion  that 
if  such  a  program  of  Jewish  world  imperiahsm  exists 
today,  it  must  exist  with  the  cognizance  and  active 
support  of  certain  individuals,  and  that  these  groups 
of  individuals  must  have  somewhere  an  official  head. 

This  is,  perhaps,  the  one  point  at  which  more  in- 
vestigators stop  than  at  any  other.  The  idea  of  a 
Jewish  autocrat  is  too  strange  for  the  mind  which 
has  not  been  much  in  contact  with  the  main  ques- 
tion. And  yet  there  is  no  race  which  more  instinc- 
tively supports  autocracy  than  does  the  Jewish  race, 
no  race  which  more  craves  and  respects  position.  It 
is  their  sense  of  the  value  of  position  which  explains 
the  main  course  their  activities  take.     The  Jew  is 


104  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

primarily  a  money-maker  for  the  reason  that  up  to 
this  time  money  is  the  only  means  he  knows  by 
which  to  gain  position.  The  Jews  who  have  gained 
position  for  any  other  reason  are  comparatively  few. 
This  is  not  a  Gentile  gibe;  it  is  the  position  of  a  fa- 
mous Anglo-Jewish  physician,  Dr.  Barnard  Von  Oven, 
who  wrote:  "All  other  means  of  distinction  are  de- 
nied him;  he  must  rise  by  wealth,  or  not  at  all.  And 
if,  as  he  well  knows,  to  insure  wealth  will  be  to  insure 
rank,  respect  and  attention  in  society,  does  the  blame 
rest  with  him  who  endeavors  to  acquire  wealth  for 
the  distinction  which  it  will  purchase,  or  with  that 
society  which  so  readily  bows  down  to  the  shrine  of 
Mammon?" 

The  Jew  is  not  averse  to  kings,  only  to  the  state 
of  things  which  prevents  a  Jewish  king.  The  future 
autocrat  of  the  world  is  to  be  a  Jewish  king,  sitting 
upon  the  throne  of  David,  so  ancient  prophecies  and 
the  documents  of  the  imperialistic  program  agree. 

Is  such  a  king  in  the  world  now?  If  not,  the  men 
who  could  choose  a  king  are  in  the  world.  Thei^e 
has  been  no  king  of  the  Jews  since  before  the  Chris- 
tian Era,  but  until  about  the  eleventh  century  there 
were  Princes  of  the  Exile,  those  who  represented  the 
headship  of  the  Jews  who  were  dispersed  through  the 
nations.  They  were  and  still  are  called  "exilarchs," 
or  Princes  of  the  Exile.  They  were  attended  by  the 
wise  men  of  Israel,  they  held  court,  they  gave  the 
law  to  their  people.  They  lived  abroad  wherever 
their  circumstances  or  convenience  dictated,  in  Chris- 
tian or  Mohammedan  countries.  Whether  the  office 
was  discontinued  with  the  last  publicly  known  exil- 
arch  or  merely  disappeared  from  the  surface  of  his- 
tory, whether  today  it  is  entirely  abandoned  or  ex- 
ists in  another  form,  are  questions  which  must  wait. 
That  there  are  offices  of  world  jurisdiction  held  by 
Jews  is  well  known.  That  there  are  world  organiza- 
tions of  Jews — organizations,  that  is,  within  the  very 
strong  solidarity  of  the  Jewish  nation  itself — is  well 
known.  That  there  is  world  unity  on  certain  Jewish 
activities,  defensive  and  offensive,  is  well  known. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  condition  or  thought  of  the 
Jews  which  would  render  the  existence  today  of  an 
exilarch  distasteful  to  them;  indeed,  the  thought 
would  be  very  comfortable. 


THE    HISTORIC    BASIS    OF   JEWISH    IMPERIALISM         105 

The  Jewish  Encyclopedia  remarks:  "Curiously 
enough,  the  exilarchs  are  still  mentioned  in  the  Sab- 
bath services  of  the  Ashkenazim  ritual  *  *  *  The 
Jews  of  the  Sephardic  ritual  have  not  preserved  this 
anachronism,  nor  was  it  retained  in  most  of  the  Re- 
form synagogues  of  the  nineteenth  century." 

Is  there,  then,  a  Jewish  Sanhedrin? — a  governing 
or  counseling  bod}^  of  Jews  who  take  oversight  of 
the  affairs  of  their  people  throughout  the  world? 

The  Jewish  Sanhedrin  was  a  most  interesting  in- 
stitution. Its  origin  and  method  of  constitution  are 
obscure.  It  consisted  of  71  members,  with  the  pres- 
ident, and  performed  the  functions  of  a  political  sen- 
ate. There  is  nothing  to  show  whence  the  Sanhedrin 
derived  its  authority.  It  was  not  an  elective  body. 
It  was  not  democratic.  It  was  not  representative. 
It  was  not  responsible  to  the  people.  In  these  qual- 
ities, it  was  typically  Jewish.  The  Sanhedrin  wate 
chosen  by  the  prince  or  priest,  not  with  the  purpose 
of  safeguarding  the  people's  interest,  but  to  assist 
the  ruler  in  the  work  of  administration.  It  was  thus 
assembled  by  call,  or  it  was  self-perpetuating,  call- 
ing its  own  members.  The  arrangement  seems  to 
have  been  that  well-known  device  by  which  an  aris- 
tocracy can  maintain  itself  in  power  whatever  the  po- 
litical construction  of  the  nation  may  be.  The  Jew- 
ish Encyclopedia  says:  "The  Sanhedrin,  which  was 
entirely  aristocratic  in  character,  probably  assumed 
its  own  authority,  since  it  was  composed  of  mem- 
bers of  the  most  influential  families  of  the  nobility 
and  priesthood." 

This  body  was  flanked  by  a  similar  body,  which 
governed  the  religious  interests  of  the  nation,  the 
members  being  drawn  apparently  from  classes  nearer 
the  common  people. 

The  Sanhedrin  exercised  authority  not  only  over 
the  Jews  of  Palestine,  but  wherever  they  were  scat- 
tered throughout  the  world.  As  a  senate  exercising 
direct  political  authority,  it  ceased  with  the  downfall 
of  the  Jewish  State  in  the  year  70,  but  there  are 
indications  of  its  continuance  as  an  advisory  body 
down  to  the  fourth  century. 

In  1806,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  mind  of  Napoleon 
upon  some  questions  which  had  arisen  concerning  the 
Jews,  an  Assembly  of  Notables  was  called,   whose 


106  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

membership  consisted  of  prominent  Jews  of  France. 
Thej^  in  turn,  to  bring  the  sanction  of  all  Jewry  to 
the  answers  which  they  should  give  Napoleon,  con- 
voked the  Sanhedrin.  The  Sanhedrin  assembled  in 
Paris  on  February  9,  1807.  It  followed  the  pre- 
scribed ancient  forms;  it  was  comprised  of  Jews  from 
all  parts  of  Europe;  it  was  assembled  to  put  the 
whole  authority  of  Jewry  behind  any  compact  the 
French  Jews  may  have  been  able  to  make  with 
Napoleon. 

In  putting  forth  its  decisions,  this  Sanhedrin  of 
1807  declared  that  it  was  in  all  respects  like  the 
ancient  Sanhedrin,  "a  legal  assembly  vested  with 
power  of  passing  ordinances  in  order  to  promote  the 
welfare  of  Israel." 

The  significance  of  these  facts  is  this:  Whatever 
the  leaders  of  the  Jews  may  do  today  in  the  way  of 
maintaining  the  policy  and  constitution  of  Israel, 
would  not  constitute  a  new  departure.  It  would  not 
signify  a  new  attitude.  It  would  not  be  evidence  of 
a  new  plan. 

It  would  be  entirely  natural,  Jewish  solidarity  be- 
ing what  it  is,  that  the  Sanhedrin  should  still  be  con- 
tinued. The  ancient  Sanhedrin  appears  to  have  had 
a  group  of  ten  who  were  somewhat  exalted  in  im- 
portance above  the  rest;  it  would  be  perfectly  natural 
if  the  leaders  of  the  Jews  were  today  divided  into 
committees,  by  countries  or  by  objects. 

There  are  always  being  held,  year  by  year,  world 
meetings  of  the  principal  Jews  of  all  lands.  They 
come  together  whenever  called,  to  the  disregard  of 
everything  else.  Great  judges  from  the  high  courts 
of  the  various  countries,  international  financiers, 
Jewish  orators  of  the  "liberal  type"  who  have  the  ear 
of  the  Gentiles,  political  maneuverers  from  all  the 
parties  represented  in  the  world,  they  assemble 
wherever  they  will,  and  the  subjects  of  their  delib- 
erations are  made  known  only  to  the  extent  they 
will.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  of  the  attend- 
ants on  these  conventions  are  members  of  the  inner 
circle.  The  list  of  delegates  will  show  scores  of  per- 
sons with  whom  no  one  would  associate  Lord  Read- 
ing and  Judge  Brandcis.  If  the  modern  Sanhedrin 
meets,  and  it  would  be  the  most  natural  thing  in  the 
world  if  it  should,  we  may  be  sure  it  meets  within 


THE    HISTORIC    BASIS    OF    JEWISH    IMPERIALISM        107 

the  closed  circle  of  those  persons  which  the  Jewish 
aristocracy  of  money,  intellect  and  power  approves. 

The  machinery  of  a  Jewish  world  government  ex- 
ists ready-made.  The  Jew  is  convinced  that  he  has 
the  best  religion,  the  best  morality,  the  best  method 
of  education,  the  best  social  standards,  the  best  ideal 
of  government.  He  would  not  have  to  go  outside 
the  circle  of  that  which  he  considers  best  to  get  any- 
thing which  he  may  need  to  advance  the  welfare  of 
his  people,  or  to  execute  any  program  which  may 
have  to  do  with  the  outside  world. 

It  is  the  ancient  machinery  that  the  international 
Jew  uses  in  all  those  activities  which  he  permits  the 
world  to  see  in  part.  There  are  gatherings  of  the 
financial,  political  and  intellectual  chief  rulers  of  the 
Jews.  These  gatherings  are  announced  for  one  or 
another  thing — sometimes.  Sometimes  there  is  a 
gathering  of  Jews  in  a  world  capital,  with  no  an- 
nounced purpose.  They  all  appear  in  one  city,  con-, 
fer  and  depart. 

Whether  there  is  a  recognized  head  to  all  of  this 
is  yet  to  be  disclosed.  There  can  be  little  doubt, 
however,  as  to  the  existence  of  what  may  be  called 
a  "foreign  policy,"  that  is,  a  definite  point  of  view 
and  plan  of  action  with  reference  to  the  Gentile 
world.  The  Jew  feels  that  he  is  in  the  midst  of  en- 
emies, but  he  also  feels  that  he  is  a  member  of  a 
people — "one  people."  He  must  have  some  policy 
with  regard  to  the  outer  world.  He  cannot  help  but 
consider  present  conditions,  he  cannot  consider  them 
without  being  stirred  to  speculate  upon  what  the  out- 
come must  be,  and  he  cannot  speculate  on  the  out- 
come without  in  some  manner  endeavoring  to  make 
it  as  he  would  like  it  to  be. 

The  invisible  government  of  the  Jews,  its  attitude 
toward  the  Gentile  world,  its  policy  with  regard  to 
the  future,  are  not,  then,  the  abnormal  things  that 
some  would  make  them  appear.  Given  the  Jewish 
position,  they  are  of  all  things  most  natural.  Jewish 
existence  in  this  world  is' not  such  as  woos  the  Jew 
into  sleepy  contentment;  it  is  such  as  stirs  him  into 
organization  against  future  contingencies  and  into 
programs  which  may  shape  those  contingencies  to 
the  benefit  of  his  race.  That  there  should  be  a  San- 
hedrin  of  the  Jews,  a  world  body  of  the  leading  men 


108  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

of  all  countries;  that  there  should  even  be  an  exil- 
arch,  a  visible  and  recognized  head  of  the  Sanhedrin, 
mystically  foreshadowing  the  autocrat  to  come;  that 
there  should  even  be  a  world  program,  just  as  every 
government  has  its  foreign  policy,  are  not  strange, 
uncanny  suppositions.  They  grow  normally  out  of 
the    situation    itself. 

>  And  it  is  also  natural  that  not  every  Jew  should 
know  this.  The  Sanhedrin  always  was  the  aristo- 
cracy, and  would  be  today.  When  rabbis  cry  from 
their  pulpits  that  they  know  nothing  about  this 
thing,  they  are  doubtless  telling  the  truth.  What 
the  international  Jew  depends  upon  is  the  likelihood 
of  every  Jew  approving  that  which  brings  power  and 
prestige  to  his  people.  At  any  rate,  it  is  well  enough 
known  that  however  little  the  ordinary  Jewish  leader 
may  have  been  told  about  world  programs,  he  re- 
gards with  the  greatest  respect  and  confidence  the 
very  men  who  must  put  these  programs  through,  if 
these  exist  at  all. 

The  twenty-fourth  Protocol  of  the  Learned  Elders 
of  Zion  has  this  to  say: 

"Now  I  will  discuss  the  manner  in  which  the  roots 
of  the  house  of  King  David  will  penetrate  to  the 
deepest  strata  of  the  earth.  This  dynasty,  even  to 
this  day,  has  given  the  power  of  controlling  world 
affairs  to  our  wise  men,  the  educational  directors  of 
all  human  thought." 

This  would  indicate,  if  reliable,  that,  as  the  Pro- 
tocol goes  on  to  recite,  the  Autocrat  himself  has  not 
appeared,  but  the  dynasty,  or  the  Davidic  line  in 
which  he  must  appear,  have  entrusted  the  work  of 
preparing  for  him  to  the  Wise  Men  of  Zion.  These 
wise  men  are  represented  not  only  as  preparing  those 
who  exercise  rulership  over  Judaism's  affairs,  but 
also  as  framing  and  influencing  the  world's  thought 
toward  ends  which  shall  be  propitious  to  these  plans. 
Whatever  may  be  hidden  in  the  program,  it  is  cer- 
tain that  its  execution  or  the  effects  of  its  execution 
cannot  be  hidden.  Therefore,  it  may  be  possible  to 
find  in  the  outer  world  the  clues  which,  traced  back 
to  their  source,  reveal  the  existence  of  a  program, 
whose  promise  for  the  world,  good  or  bad,  ought  to 
be  widely  known. 

Ubuc  of  July  17,  1920. 


X. 


An  Introduction  to  the  "Jewish 
Protocols" 

THE  documents  most  frequently  mentioned  by 
those  who  are  interested  in  the  theory  of  Jewish 
World  Power  rather  than  in  the  actual  operation  of 
that  power  in  the  world  today,  are  those  24  documents 
known  as  ''The  Protocols  of  the  Learned  Elders  of 
Zion." 

The  Protocols  have  attracted  much  attention  in 
Europe,  having  become  the  center  of  an  important 
storm  of  opinion  in  England  only  recently,  but  discus- 
sion of  them  in  the  United  States  has  been  limited. 
These  are  the  documents  concerning  which  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice  was  making  inquiries  more  than  a 
year  ago,  and  which  were  given  publication  in  London 
by  Eyre  and  Spottiswoode,  the  official  printers  to  the 
British  Government. 

Who  it  was  that  first  entitled  these  documents  with 
the  name  of  the  "Elders  of  Zion"  is  not  known.  It 
would  be  possible  without  serious  mutilation  of  the 
documents  to  remove  all  hint  of  Jewish  authorship, 
and  yet  retain  all  the  main  points  of  the  most  compre- 
hensive program  for  world  subjugation  that  has  ever 
come  to  public  knowledge. 

Yet  it  must  be  said  that  thus  to  eliminate  all  hint 
of  Jewish  authorship  would  be  to  bring  out  a  number 
of  contradictions  which  do  not  exist  in  the  Protocols 
in  their  present  form.  The  purpose  of  the  plan  re- 
vealed in  the  Protocols  is  to  undermine  all  authority 
in  order  that  a  new  authoritj^  in  the  form  of  autocracy 
may  be  set  up.  Such  a  plan  could  not  emanate  from 
a  ruling  class  which  already  possessed  authority,  al- 
though it  might  emanate  from  anarchists.  But  anar- 
chists do  not  avow  autocracy  as  the  ultimate  condition 
they  seek.  The  authors  might  be  conceived  as  a  com- 
pany of  French  Subversives  such  as  existed  at  the 
time  of  the  French  Revolution  and  had  the  infamous 
Due  d'Orleans  as  their  leader,  but  this  would  involve 
a  contradiction  between  the  fact  that  those  Sub- 
versives have  passed  away,  and  the  fact  that  the  pro- 


no  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

gram  announced  in  these  Protocols  is  being  steadily 
carried  out,  not  only  in  France,  but  throughout  Eu- 
rope, and  very  noticeably  in  the  United  States. 

In  their  present  form  which  bears  evidence  of  be- 
ing their  original  form,  there  is  no  contradiction.  The 
allegation  of  Jewish  authorship  seems  essential  to  the 
consistency  of  the  plan. 

If  these  documents  were  the  forgeries  which  Jewish 
apologists  claim  them  to  be,  the  forgers  would  prob- 
ably have  taken  pains  to  make  Jewish  authorship  so 
clear  that  their  anti-Semitic  purpose  could  easily  have 
been  detected.  But  only  twice  is  the  term  "Jew" 
used  in  them.  After  one  has  read  much  further  than 
the  average  reader  usually  cares  to  go  into  such  mat- 
ters, one  comes  upon  the  plans  for  the  establishment 
Oif  the  World  Autocrat,  and  only  then  it  is  made  clear 
of  what  lineage  he  is  to  be. 

But  all  through  the  documents  there  is  left  no 
doubt  as  to  the  people  against  whom  the  plan  is  aim- 
ed. It  is  not  aimed  against  aristocracy  as  such.  It 
is  not  aimed  against  capital  as  such.  It  is  not  aimed 
against  government  as  such.  Very  definite  provisions 
are  made  for  the  enlistment  of  aristocracy,  capital  and 
government  for  the  execution  of  the  plan.  It  is  aim- 
ed against  the  people  of  the  world  who  are  called 
"Gentiles."  It  is  the  frequent  mention  of  "Gentiles" 
that  really  decides  the  purpose  of  the  documents. 
Most  of  the  destructive  type  of  "liberal"  plans  aim 
at  the  enlistment  of  the  people  as  helpers;  this  plan 
aims  at  the  degeneration  of  the  people  in  order  that 
they  may  be  reduced  to  confusion  of  mind  and  thus 
manipulated.  Popular  movements  of  a  "liberal" 
kind  are  to  be  encouraged,  all  the  disruptive  philoso- 
phies in  religion,  economics,  politics  and  domestic  life 
are  to  be  sown  and  watered,  for.  the  purpose  of  so 
disintegrating  social  solidarity  that  a  definite  plan, 
herein  set  forth,  may  be  put  through  without  notice, 
and  the  people  then  molded  to  it  when  the  fallacy  of 
these  philosophies  is  shown. 

The  formula  of  speech  is  not,  "We  Jews  will  do 
this,"  but  "The  Gentiles  will  be  made  to  think  and  do 
these  things."  With  the  exception  of  a  few  instances 
in  the  closing  Protocols,  the  only  distinctive  racial 
term  used  is   "Gentiles." 


INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    "JEWISH    PROTOCOLS"       111 

To  illustrate:  the  first  indication  of  this  kind  comes 
in  the  first  Protocol  in  this  waj'-: 

"The  great  qualities  of  the  people — honesty 
and  frankness — are  essentially  vices  in  politics, 
because  they  dethrone  more  surely  and  more  cer- 
tainly than  does  the  strongest  enemy.  These 
qualities  are  attributes  of  Gentile  rule;  we  cer- 
tainly must  not  be  guided  by  them." 
And  again: 

"On  the  ruins  of  the  hereditary  aristocracy  of 
the  Gentiles  we  have  set  up  the  aristocracy  of  our 
educated  class,  and  over  all  the  aristocracy  of 
money.  We  have  established  the  basis  of  this 
new  aristocracy  on  the  basis  of  riches,  which  we 
control,  and  on  t'he  science  guided  by  our  wise 
men." 
Again : 

"We  will  force  up  wages,  which  however  will 
be  of  no  benefit  to  workers,  for  we  at  the  same 
time  will  cause  a  rise  in  the  prices  of  prime  neces- 
sities, pretending  that  this  is  due  to  the  decline 
of  agriculture  and  of  cattle  raising.     We  will  also 
artfully  and  deeply  undermine  the  sources  of  pro- 
duction by  instilling  in  the  workmen  ideas  of 
anarchy  and  encourage  them  in  the  use  of  alcohol, 
at  the  same  time  taking  measures  to  drive  all 
the  intellectual  forces  of  the  Gentiles  from  the 
land." 
(A  forger   with   anti-Semitic   malice   might   have 
written  this  any  time  within  the  last  five  years,  but 
these  words  were  in  print  at  least  14  years  ago  ac- 
cording to  British  evidence,  a  copy  having  been  in 
the  British  Museum  since  1906,  and  they  were  circu- 
lated in  Russia  a  number  of  years  prior.) 

The  above  point  continues:  "That  the  true 
situation  shall  not  be  noticed  by  the  Gentiles  pre- 
maturely we  will  mask  it  by  a  pretended  effort 
to  serve  the  working  classes  a,nd  promote  great 
economic  principles,  for  which  an  active  propa- 
ganda will  be  carried  on  through  our  economic 
theories." 
These  quotations  will  illustrate  the  style  of  the 
Protocols  in  making  reference  to  the  parties  involved. 
It  is  "we"  for  the  writers,  and  "Gentiles"  for  those 


112  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

who  are  being  written  about.     This  is  brought  out 
very  clearly  in  the  Fourteenth  Protocol: 

"In  this  divergence  between  the  Gentiles  and 
ourselves  in  ability  to  think  and  reason  is  to  be 
seen  clearly  the  seal  of  our  election  as  the  chosen 
people,  as  higher  human  beings,  in  contrast  with 
the  Gentiles  who  have  merely  instinctive  and  ani- 
mal minds.     They  observe,  but  they  do  not  fore- 
see, and  they  invent  nothing  (except  perhaps  ma- 
terial things).     It  is  clear  from  this  that  nature 
herself   predestined    us   to    rule    and    guide   the 
world." 
This,  of  course,  has  been  the  Jewish  method  of 
dividing    humanity    from    the    earliest    times.     The 
world  was  only  Jew  and  Gentile;  all  that  was  not  Jew 
was  Gentile. 

The  use  of  the  word  Jew  in  the  Protocol  may  be 
illustrated  by  this  passage  in  the  eighth  section: 
"For  the  time  being,  until  it  will  be  safe  to 
give    responsible    government    positions    to    our 
brother  Jews,  we  shall  entrust  them  to  people 
whose    past    and    whose    characters    are    such 
that  there  is  an  abyss  between   them   and   the 
people." 
This   is   the    practice   known   as    using    "Gentile 
fronts"  which  is  extensively  practiced  in  the  financial 
world  today  in  order  to  cover  up  the  evidences  of 
Jewish  control.     How  much  progress  has  been  made 
since  these  words  were  written  is  indicated  by  the 
occurrence  at  the  San  Francisco  convention  when  the 
name  of  Judge  Brandeis  was  proposed  for  President. 
It  is  reasonably  to  be  expected  that  the  public  mind 
will  be  made  more  and  more  familiar  with  the  idea  of 
Jewish  occupancy — which  will  be  really  a  short  step 
from  the  present  degree  of  influence  which  the  Jews 
exercise — of   the   highest   office   in   the   government. 
There  is  no  function  of  the  American  Presidency  in 
which  the  Jews  have  not  already  secretly  assisted  in  a 
very   important   degree.     Actual    occupancy   of   the 
office  is  not  necessary  to  enhance  their  power,  but  to 
promote  certain  things  which  parallel  very  closely  the 
plans  outlined  in  the  Protocols  now  before  us. 

Another  point  which  the  reader  of  the  Protocols 
will  notice  is  that  the  tone  of  exhortation  is  entirely 


INTRODUCT10i\    TO    THE    "JEWISH    PROTOCOLS"       113 

absent  from  these  documents.  They  are  not  prop- 
aganda. They  are  not  efforts  to  stimulate  the  am- 
bitions or  activity  of  those  to  whom  they  are  address- 
ed. They  are  as  cool  as  a  legal  paper  and  as  matter- 
of-fact  as  a  table  of  statistics.  There  is  none  of  the 
"Let  us  rise,  my  brothers"  stuff  about  them.  There 
is  no  "Down  with  the  Gentiles"  hysteria.  These 
Protocols,  if  indeed  they  were  made  by  Jews  and  con- 
fided to  Jews,  or  if  they  do  contain  certain  principles 
of  a  Jewish  World  Program,  were  certainly  not  in- 
tended for  the  firebrands  but  for  the  carefully  pre- 
pared and  tested  initiates  of  the  higher  groups. 

•  Jewish  apologists  have  asked,  "Is  it  conceivable 
that  if  there  were  such  a  world  program  on  the  part 
of  the  Jews,  they  would  reduce  it  to  writing  and  pub- 
lish it?"  But  there  is  no  evidence  that  these  Proto- 
cols were  ever  uttered  otherwise  than  in  spoken  words 
by  those  who  put  them  forth.  The  Protocols  as  we 
have  them  are  apparently  the  notes  of  lectures  which 
were  made  by  someone  who  heard  them.  Some  of 
them  are  lengthy ;  some  of  them  are  brief.  The  asser- 
tion which  has  always  been  made  in  connection  with 
the  Protocols  since  they  have  become  known  is  that 
they  are  the  notes  of  lectures  delivered  to  Jewish  stu- 
dents presumably  somewhere  in  France  or  Switzer- 
land. The  attempt  to  make  them  appear  to  be  of 
Russian  origin  is  absolutely  forestalled  by  the  point 
of  view,  the  references  to  the  times  and  certain  gram- 
matical  indications. 

The  tone  certainly  fits  the  supposition  that  they 
were  originally  lectures  given  to  students,  for  their 
purpose  is  clearly  not  to  get  a  program  accepted  but  to 
give  information  concerning  a  program  which  is  repre- 
sented as  being  already  in  process  of  fulfillment. 
There  is  no  invitation  to  join  forces  or  to  offer  opin- 
ions. Indeed  it  is  specifically  announced  that  neither 
discussion  nor  opinions  are  desired.  ("While  preach- 
ing liberalism  to  the  Gentiles,  we  shall  hold  our  own 
people  and  our  own  agents  in  unquestioning  obedi- 
ence." "The  scheme  of  administration  must  ema- 
nate from  a  single  brain  *  *  *  Therefore,  we  may 
knou-  the  plan  of  action,  but  we  must  not  discuss  it, 
lest  we  destroy  its  unique  character  *  *  *  The  in- 
spired  work   of   our   leader   therefore   must   not   be 


114  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

thrown  before  a  crowd  to  be  torn  to  pieces,  or  even, 
before  a  limited  group.") 

Moreover,  taking  the  Protocols  at  their  face  value, 
it  is  evident  that  the  program  outlined  in  these  lec- 
ture notes  was  not  a  new  one  at  the  time  the  lectures 
were  given.  There  is  no  evidence  of  its  being  of  re- 
cent arrangement.  There  is  almost  the  tone  of  a 
tradition,  or  a  religion,  in  it  all,  as  if  it  had  been  hand- 
ed down  from  generation  to  generation  through  the 
medium  of  specially  trusted  and  initiated  men.  There 
is  no  note  of  new  discovery  or  fresh  enthusiasm  in  it, 
but  the  certitude  and  calmness  of  facts  long  known 
and  policies  long  confirmed  by  experiment. 

This  point  of  the  age  of  the  program  is  touched 
upon  at  least  twice  in  the  Protocols  themselves.  In 
the  First  Protocol  this  paragraph  occurs: 

"Already  in  ancient  times  we  were  the  first  to 
shout  the  words,  'Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity,' 
among  the  people.  These  words  have  been  repeat- 
ed many  times  since  by  unconscious  poll-parrots, 
flocking  from  all  sides  to  this  bait,  with  which  they 
have  ruined  the  prosperity  of  the  world  and  true 
personal  freedom  *  *  *  The  presumably  clever 
and  intelligent  Gentiles  did  not  understand  the 
symbolism  of  the  uttered  words;  did  not  observe 
their  contradiction  in  meaning;  did  not  notice 
that  in  nature  there  is  no  equality  *  *  *" 
The  other  reference  to  the  program's  finality  is 
found  in  the  Thirteenth  Protocol: 

"Questions  of  policy,  however,  are  permitted 
to  no  one  except  those  who  have  originated  the 
policy  and  have  directed  it  for  many  centuries." 
Can  this  be  a  reference  to  a  secret  Jewish  Sanhe- 
drin,  self-perpetuating  within  a  certain  Jewish  caste 
from  generation  to  generation? 

Again,  it  must  be  said  that  the  originators  and 
directors  here  referred  to  cannot  be  at  present  any 
ruling  caste,  for  all  that  the  program  contemplates  is 
directly  opposed  to  the  interests  of  such  a  caste.  It 
cannot  refer  to  any  national  aristocratic  group,  like 
the  Junkers  of  Germany,  for  the  methods  which  are 
proposed  are  the  very  ones  which  would  render  power- 
less such  a  group.  It  cannot  refer  to  any  but  a  peo- 
ple who  have  no  government,  who  have  everything  to 


INTRODUCTION    TO    THE    "JEWISH    PROTOCOLS'       115 

gain  and  nothing  to  lose,  and  who  can  keep  themselves 
intact  amid  a  crumbling  world.  There  is  only  one 
group  that  answers  that  description. 

Again,  a  reading  of  the  Protocols  makes  it  clear 
that  the  speaker  himself  was  not  seeking  for  honor. 
There  is  a  complete  absence  of  personal  ambition 
throughout  the  document.  All  plans  and  purposes 
and  expectations  are  merged  in  the  future  of  Israel, 
which  future,  it  would  seem,  can  only  be  secured  by 
the  subtle  breaking  down  of  certain  world  ideas  held 
by  the  Gentiles.  The  Protocols  speak  of  what  has 
been  done,  what  was  being  done  at  the  time  these 
words  were  given,  and  what  remained  to  be  done. 
Nothing  like  them  in  completeness  of  detail,  in  breadth 
of  plan  and  in  deep  grasp  of  the  hidden  springs  of 
human  action  has  ever  been  known.  They  are  verily 
terrible  in  their  mastery  of  the  secrets  of  life,  equally 
terrible  in  their  consciousness  of  that  mastery.  Truly 
they  would  merit  the  opinion  which  Jews  have  recently 
cast  upon  them,  that  they  were  the  work  of  an  inspired 
madman,  were  it  not  that  what  is  written  in  the  Proto- 
cols in  words  is  also  written  upon  the  life  of  today  in 
deeds  and  tendencies. 

The  criticisms  which  these  Protocols  pass  upon  the 
Gentiles  for  their  stupidity  are  just.  It  is  impossible 
to  disagree  with  a  single  item  in  the  Protocols'  descrip- 
tion of  Gentile  mentality  and  veniality.  Even  the 
most  astute  of  the  Gentile  thinkers  have  been  fooled 
into  receiving  as  the  motions  of  progress  what  has 
only  been  insinuated  into  the  common  human  mind 
by  the  most  insidious  systems  of  propaganda. 

It  is  true  that  here  and  there  a  thinker  has  arisen 
to  say  that  science  so-called  was  not  science  at  all. 
It  is  true  that  here  and  there  a  thinker  has  arisen  to 
say  that  the  so-called  economic  laws  both  of  conserva- 
tives and  radicals  were  not  laws  at  all,  but  artificial 
inventions.  It  is  true  that  occasionally  a  keen  ob- 
server has  asserted  that  the  recent  debauch  of  luxury 
and  extravagance  was  not  due  to  the  natural  impulses 
of  the  people  at  all,  but  was  systematically  stimulated, 
foisted  upon  them  by  design.  It  is  true  that  a  few 
have  discerned  that  more  than  half  of  what  passes 
for  "public  opinion"  is  mere  hired  applause  and  booing 
and  has  never  impressed  the  public  mind. 


116  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

But  even  with  these  clues  here  and  there,  for  the 
most  part  disregarded,  there  has  never  been  enough 
continuity  and  collaboration  between  those  who  were 
awake,  to  follow  all  the  clues  to  their  source.  The 
chief  explanation  of  the  hold  which  the  Protocols 
have  had  on  many  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  the 
world  for  several  decades  is  that  they  explain  whence 
all  these  false  influences  come  and  what  their  purpose 
is.  They  give  a  clue  to  the  modern  maze.  It  is  now 
time  for  the  people  to  know.  And  whether  the  Proto- 
cols are  judged  as  proving  anything  concerning  the 
Jews  or  not,  they  constitute  an  education  in  the  way 
the  masses  are  turned  about  like  sheep  by  influences 
which  they  do  not  understand.  It  is  almost  certain 
that  once  the  principles  of  the  Protocols  are  known 
widely  and  understood  by  the  people,  the  criticism 
which  they  now  rightly  make  of  the  Gentile  mind  will 
no  longer  hold  good. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  future  articles  in  this  series  to 
study  these  documents  and  to  answer  out  of  their  con- 
tents all  the  questions  that  may  arise  concerning  them. 

Before  that  work  is  begun,  one  question  should  be 
answered — "Is  there  likelihood  of  the  program  of  the 
Protocols  being  carried  through  to  success?"  The 
program  is  successful  already.  In  many  of  its  most 
important  phases  it  is  already  a  reality.  But  this  need 
not  cause  alarm,  for  the  chief  weapon  to  be  used 
against  such  a  program,  both  in  its  completed  and  un- 
completed parts,  is  clear  publicity.  Let  the  people 
know.  Arousing  the  people,  alarming  the  people, 
appealing  to  the  passions  of  the  people  is  the  method 
of  the  plan  outlined  in  the  Protocols.  The  antidote 
is  merely  enlightening  the  people. 

That  is  the  only  purpose  of  these  articles.  En- 
lightenment dispels  prejudice.  It  is  as  desirable  to 
dispel  the  prejudice  of  the  Jew  as  of  the  Gentile.  Jew- 
ish writers  too  frequently  assume  that  the  prejudice 
is  all  on  one  side.  The -Protocols  themselves  ought  to 
have  the  widest  circulation  among  the  Jewish  people, 
in  order  that  they  may  check  those  things  which  are 
bringing  suspicion  upon  their  name. 


Imuc  cf  July  24,  1920. 


XI. 


"Jewish"  Estimate  of  Gentile 
Human  Nature 

"Upon  completing  this  program  of  our  pres- 
ent and  future  actions,  I  will  read  to  you  the 
principles  of  these  theories." — Protocol  16. 

"In  all  that  I  have  discussed  with  you 
hitherto,  I  have  endeavored  to  indicate  carefully 
the  secrets  of  past  and  future  events  and  of 
those  momentous  occurrences  of  the  near  future 
toivard  zvhich  ive  are  rushing  in  a  stream  of 
great  crises,  anticipating  the  hidden  principles  of 
future  relationships  with  the  Gentiles  and  of  our 
financial    operations." — Protocol    22. 

THE  Protocols,  which  profess  themselves  to  be  an 
outline  of  the  Jewish  World  Program,  are  found 
upon  analysis  to  contain  four  main  divisions.  These, 
however,  are  not  marked  in  the  structure  of  the  docu- 
ments, but  in  the  thought.  There  is  a  fifth,  if  the 
object  of  it  all  is  included,  but  this  object  is  assumed 
throughout  the  Protocols,  being  only  here  and  there 
defined  in  terms.  And  the  four  main  divisions  are 
great  trunks.from  which  there  are  numerous  branches. 

There  is  first  what  is  alleged  to  be  the  Jewish  con- 
ception of  human  nature,  by  which  is  meant  Gentile 
nature.  It  is  inconceivable  that  such  a  plan  as  that 
which  the  Protocols  set  forth  could  have  been  eVolved 
by  a  mind  that  had  not  previously  based  the  prob- 
ability of  success  on  a  certain  estimate  of  the  ignobility 
and  corruptibility  of  human  nature — which  all  through 
the  Protocols  is  referred  to  as  Gentile  nature. 

Then,  secondly,  there  is  the  account  of  what  has  al- 
ready been  accomplished  in  the  realization  of  the  pro- 
gram— things  actually  done. 

Thirdly,  there  is  a  complete  instruction  in  the 
methods  to  be  used  to  get  the  program  still  further 
fulfilled — methods  which  would  themselves  supply  the 
estimate  of  human  nature  upon  which  the  whole  fabric 
is  based,  if  there  were  nothing  else  to  indicate  it. 


118  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

Fourth,  the  Protocols  contain  in  detail  some  of  the 
achievements  which,  at  the  time  these  words  were  ut- 
tered, were  yet  to  be  made.  Some  of  these  desired 
things  have  been  achieved  in  the  meantime,  for  it 
should  "be  borne  in  mind  that  between  the  year  1905 
and  the  year  1920  there  has  been  time  to  set  many  in- 
fluences in  motion  and  attain  many  ends.  As  the  sec- 
cond  quotation  at  the  head  of  this  article  would  indi- 
cate, the  speaker  Tcnew  that  events  were  "rushing  in  a 
stream  of  great  crises,"  a  knowledge  which  is  amply 
attested  by  Jewish  sources  outside  the  Protocols. 

If  this  series  of  articles  represented  a  special  plead- 
ing upon  the  Jewish  Question,  the  present  article  would 
seek  to  win  the  reader's  confidence  by  presenting  first 
the  set  of  facts  which  are  described  under  "secondly" 
in  the  above  list  of  main  divisions.  To  begin  with  the 
estimate  of  human  nature  here  disclosed  is  to  court 
alienation  of  the  reader's  interest,  especially  if  the 
reader  be  a  Gentile.  We  know  from  abundant  sources 
what  the  Jewish  estimate  of  human  nature  is,  and  it 
tallies  in  all  respects  with  what  is  disclosed  in  the 
Protocols,  but  it  has  always  been  one  of  the  fallacies 
of  Gentile  thought  that  human  nature  is,  now,  full  of 
dignity  and  nobility.  There  is  little  question,  when 
the  subject  is  considered  in  all  its  lights,  that  the 
Jewish  conception  is  right.  And  so  far  as  these  Proto- 
cols are  concerned,  their  low  estimate  of  mankind, 
though  harsh  to  human  pride  and  conceit,  are  very 
largely  true. 

Just  to  run  through  the  Protocols  and  select  the 
salient  passages  in  which  this  view  is  expressed  is  to 
find  a  pretty  complete  philosophy  of  the  motives  and 
qualities  of  human  beings. 

Take  these  words  from  the  First  Protocol: 
"It  should  be  noted  that  people  with  evil  in- 
stincts are  more  numerous  than  those  with  good 
ones;  therefore,  the  beSt  results  in  governing 
them  are  attained  by  intimidation  and  violence, 
and  not  by  academic  argument.  Every  man  aims 
for  power;  everyone  desires  to  be  a  dictator,  if 
possible;  moreover,  few  would  not  sacrifice  the 
good  of  others  to  attain  their  own  ends." 

"People  in  masses  and  people  of  the  masses 
are  guided  by  exceptionally  shallow  passions,  be- 


"JEWISH"     ESTIMATK    OF    GENTILE     NATURE  119 

liefs,  customs,  traditions  and  sentimental  theories 
and  arc  inclined  toward  party  divisions,  a  fact 
which  prevents  any  form  of  agreement,  even 
when  this  is  founded  on  a  thoroughly  logical  basis. 
Every  decision  of  the  mob  depends  upon  an  acci- 
dental or  prearranged  majority,  which,  owing  to 
its  ignorance  of  the  mysteries  of  political  secrets, 
gives  expression  to  absurd  decisions  that  intro- 
duce anarchy  into  government." 

"In  working  out  an  expedient  plan  of  action, 
it  is  necessary  to  take  into  consideration  the 
meanness,  the  vacillation,  the  changeability  of  the 
crowd  *  *  *  It  is  necessary  to  realize  that  the 
force  of  the  masses  is  blind,  unreasoning  and  un- 
intelligent, prone  to  listen  now  to  the  right,  and 
,    now  to  the  left  *  *  *" 

"Our  triumph  has  also  been  made  easier  be- 
cause, in  our  relations  with  the  people  necessary 
to  us,  we  have  always  played  upon  the  most 
sensitive  strings  of  the  human  mind— on  calcula- 
tion, greed,  and  the  insatiable  material  desires  of 
men.  Each  of  these  human  weaknesses,  taken 
separately,  is  capable  of  paralyzing  initiative  and 
placing  the  will  of  the  people  at  the  disposal  of 
the  purchaser  of  their  activities." 
In  the  Fifth  Protocol,  this  shrewd  observation  on 
human  nature  is  to  be  found: 

"In  all  times,  nations  as  well  as  individuals, 
accepted  words  for  acts.  They  have  been  satis- 
fied by  what  is  shown  them,  rarely  noticing 
whether  the  promise  has  been  followed  by  ful- 
fillment. For  this  reason  we  will  organize  'show' 
institutions  which  will  conspicuously  display  their 
devotion  to  progress." 
And  this  from  the  Eleventh  Protocol: 

"The  Gentiles  are  like  a  flock  of  sheep  *  *  * 
They  will  close  their  eyes  to  everything  because 
we  will  promise  them  to  return  all  the  liberties 
taken  away,  after  the  enemies  of  peace  have  been 
subjugated  and  all  the  parties  pacified.  Is  it 
worth  while  to  speak  of  how  long  they  will  have 
to  wait?  For  what  have  we  conceived  all  this 
program  and  instilled  its  measures  into  the  minds 
of  the  Gentiles  without  giving  them  the  possibility 


120     .  THE  INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

of  examining  its  underside,  if  it  is  not  for  the 
purpose  of  attaining  by  circuitous  methods  that 
which  is  unattainable  to  our  scattered  race  by  a 
direct  route?" 
Notice  also  this  very  shrewd  observation  upon  the 
"joiners"  of  secret  societies — this  estimate  being  made 
by  the  Protocols  to  indicate  how  easily  these  societies 
may  be  used  to  further  the  plan: 

"Usually   it  is  -the   climbers,   careerists  and 
people,  generally  speaking,  who  are  not  serious, 
who  most  readily  join  secret  societies,  and  we  shall 
find  them  easy  to  handle  and  through  them  oper- 
ate the  mechanism  of  our  projected  machine." 
The  remarks  under  this  head  are  curtailed  by  the 
present  writer,  because  the  Protocols  make  reference  to 
a  very  important  secret  order,  the  mention  of  whose 
name  in  this  connection  might  lead  to  misunderstand- 
ing, and  which  is  therefore  reserved  for  future  and 
fuller  attention.     It  will,  however,  be  of  interest  to 
the  members  of  that  order  to  see  what  the  Protocols 
have  to  say  of  it,  and  then  to  check  up  the  facts  and 
see  how  far  they  correspond  with  the  words. 

To  continue:  "The  Gentiles  join  lodges  out 
of  curiosity  or  in  the  hope  that  through  them 
they  may  worm  their  way  into  social  distinction 
*  *  *  We  therefore  give  them  this  success  so  that 
we  can  take  advantage  of  the  self-conceit  to  which 
it  gives  birth  and  because  of  which  people  un- 
consciously accept  our  suggestions  without  ex- 
amination *  *  *  You  cannot  imagine  to  what  an 
extent  the  most  intelligent  Gentiles  may  be 
brought  to  a  state  of  unconscious  naivete  under 
conditions  of  self-deceit,  and  how  easy  it  is  to 
discourage  them  by  the  least  failure,  even  the 
stopping  of  applause,  or  to  bring  them  into  a  state 
of  servile  subjection  for  the  sake  of  regaining  it. 
The  Gentiles  are  as  ready  to  sacrifice  their  plans 
for  the  sake  of  popular  success  as  our  people  are 
to  ignore  success  for  the  sake  of  carrying  out 
our  plans.  This  psj^chology  of  theirs  facilitates 
the  task  of  directing  them." 
These  are  a  few  of  the  passages  in  which  this  esti- 
mate of  human  or  Gentile  nature  is  made  out  in  words. 
But  even  if  it  were  not  so  baldly  stated,  it  could  be 


"JEWISH"    ESTIMATE    OF    GENTILE    NATURE  121 

easily  inferred  from  various  items  in  the  program 
which  was  depended  upon  to  break  up  Gentile  solid- 
arity and  strength. 

The  method  is  one  of  disintegration.  Break  up  the 
people  into  parties  and  sects.  Sow  abroad  the  most 
promising  and  Utopian  of  ideas  and  j^ou  will  do  two 
things:  you  will  always  find  a  group  to  cling  to  each 
idea  you  throw  out;  and  5^ou  will  find  this  partisanship 
dividing  and  estranging  the  various  groups.  The 
authors  of  the  Protocols  show  in  detail  how  this  is 
to  be  done.  Not  one  idea,  but  a  mass  of  ideas  are  to 
be  thrown  out,  and  there  is  to  be  no  unity  among  them. 
The  purpose  is  ??oi  to  get  the  people  thinking  ojie 
thing,  but  to  think  so^diversely  about  so  many  dif- 
ferent tKingj^'th-^there  will 
The  result  of  thisTviii  be  vast  disuniTy! 
and  that  is  the  result  aimed  for. 

When  once  the  solidarity  of  Gentile  society  is 
broken  up — and  the  name  "Gentile  society"  is  perfectly 
correct,  for  human  society  is  overwhelmingly  Gentile — 
then  this  solid  wedge  of  another  idea  which  is  not  at  all 
affected  by  the  prevailing  confusion  can  make  its  way 
unsuspectedly  to  the  place  of  control.  It  is  well 
enough  known  that  a  body  of  20  trained  police  or 
soldiers  can  accomphsh  more  than  a  disordered  mob 
of  a  thousand  persons.  So  the  minority  initiated  into 
the  plan  can  do  more  with  a  nation  or  a  world  broken 
into  a  thousand  antagonistic  parties,  than  any  of  the 
parties  could  do.  "Divide  and  rule"  is  the  motto  of 
the  Protocols. 

The  division  of  society  is  perfectly  easy,  according 
to  the  estimate  of  human  nature  made  in  these  docu- 
ments. It  is  human  nature  to  take  promises  for  acts. 
No  one  who  considered  the  list  of  dreams  and  vagaries 
and  theories  that  have  swayed  the  people  through  the 
centuries  can  doubt  this.  The  more  Utopian,  the  more 
butterfly-like  the  theory,  the  more  it  commands  pub- 
lic adherence.  Just  as  the  Protocols  say,  Gentile  so- 
ciety does  not  scrutinize  the  origin  or  the  consequences 
of  the  theories  it  adopts.  When  a  theory  makes  its  ap- 
peal to  the  mind,  the  tendency  is  to  believe  that  the 
mind  which  receives  it  always  had  it  in  essence,  and 
therefore  the  experience  has  all  the  glow  of  original 
discoverv. 


122  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

In  this  manner,  theory  after  theory  has  been  ex- 
ploited among  the  masses,  theory  after  theory  has  been 
found  to  be  impracticable  and  has  been  discarded,  but 
the  result  is  precisely  that  which  the  program  of  the 
Protocols  aims  for — with  the  discarding  of  each  theory, 
society  is  a  little  more  broken  than  it  was  before. 
It  is  a  little  more  helpless  before  its  exploiters.  It 
is  a  little  more  confused  as  to  where  to  look  for 
leadership.  As  a  consequence  society  falls  an  easy 
victim  again  to  a  theory  which  promises  it  the  good  it 
seeks,  and  the  failure  of  tiiis  theory  leaves  it  still  more 
broken.  There  is  no  longer  any  such  thing  as  public 
opinion.  Distrust  and  division  are  everywhere.  And 
in  the  midst  of  the  confusion  everyone  is  dimly  aware 
that  there  is  a  higher  group  that  is  not  divided  at  all, 
but  is  getting  exactly  what  it  wants  by  means  of  the 
confusion  that  obtains  all  around.  It  will  be  shown, 
as  claimed  by  the  Protocols,  that  most  of  the  disrup- 
tive theories  abroad  in  the  world  today  are  of  Jewish 
origin;  it  will  also  be  shown  that  the  one  solid  un- 
broken group  in  the  world  today,  the  group  that  knows 
where  it  wants  to  go  and  is  going  there  regardless  of 
the  condition  of  society,  is  the  Jewish  group. 

The  most  dangerous  theory  of  all  is  that  which  ex- 
plains the  rise  of  theories  and  the  social  break-up  which 
follows  them.  These  are  all  "symptoms  of  progress" 
we  are  told.  If  so,  then  "progress"  is  toward  dissolu- 
tion. No  one  can  predicate  the  fact  of  "progress"  on 
the  ground  that,  whereas  our  fathers  made  wheels  to 
go  round  with  the  blowing  wind  or  the  running  water, 
wc  make  them  go  round  by  successive  small  explosions 
of  gasoline.  The  question  of  "progress"  is.  Where  are 
the  wheels  taking  us?  Was  windmill  and  water  wheel 
society  better  or  worse  than  the  present  society?  Was 
it  more  unified  in  its  morality?  Did  it  more  highly 
respect  law,  did  it  produce  a  higher  and  sturdier  type 
of  character? 

The  modern  theory  of  "ferment,"  that  out  of  all 
the  unrest  and  change  and  transvaluation  of  values  a 
new  and  better  mankind  is  to  be  evolved  is  not  borne 
out  by  any  fact  on  the  horizon.  It  is  palpably  a 
theory  whose  purpose  is  to  make  a  seeming  good  out 
of  that  which  is  undeniable  evil.  The  theories  which 
cause  the  disruption  and  the  theory  which  explains  the 


"JEWISH"     ESTIMATE    OF    GENTILE    NATURE  123 

durnption  as  good,  come  from  the  same  source.  The 
whole  science  of  economics,  conservative  and  radical, 
capitalistic  and  anarchistic,  is  of  Jewish  origin.  This 
is  another  of  the  announcements  of  the  Protocols  which 
the  facts  confirm. 

Now,  all  this  is  accomplished,  not  by  acts,  but  by 
words.  The  tvord-brokers  of  the  world,  those  who 
wish  words  to  do  duty  for  things,  in  their  dealings 
with  the  world  outside  their  class,  are  undoubtedly  the 
Jewish  group — the  international  Jews  with  which  these 
articles  deal — and  their  philosophy  and  practice  are 
precisely  set  forth  in  the  Protocols. 

Take  for  illustration  these  passages:  The  first  is 
from  the  First  Protocol: 

"Political  freedom  is  an  idea,  not  a  fact.  It  is  nec- 
essary to  know  how  to  apply  this  idea  when  there  is 
need  of  a  clever  bait  to  gain  the  support  of  the  people 
for  one's  party,  if  such  a  party  has  undertaken  to 
defeat  another  party  already  in  power.  This  task  is 
made  easier  if  the  opponent  has  himself  been  infected 
by  principles  of  freedom  or  so-called  liberalism,  and 
for  the  sake  of  the  idea  will  yield  some  of  his  own 
power." 

Or  consider  this  from  the  Fifth  Protocol: 

"To  obtain  control  over  public  opinion,  it  is 
first  necessary  to  confuse  it  by  the  expression  from 
various  sides  of  so  many  conflicting  opinions  that 
the  Gentiles  will  lose  themselves  in  the  labyrinth 
and  come  to  understand  that  it  is  best  to  have  no 
opinion  on  political  questions,  which  it  is  not 
given  to  society  at  large  to  understand  but  only 
to  the  ruler  who  directs  society.  This  is  the  first 
secret. 

"The  second  secret  consists  in  so  increasing 
and  intensifying  the  shortcomings  of  the  people 
in  their  habits,  passions  and  mode  of  living  that 
no  one  will  be  able  to  collect  himself  in  the  chaos, 
and,  consequently,  people  will  lose  all  their  mutual 
understanding.  This  measure  will  serve  us  also 
in  breeding  disagreement  in  all  parties,  in  dis- 
integrating all  those  collective  forces  which  are 
Gtill  unwilling  to  submit  to  us  and  in  discouraging 
all  personal  initiative  which  can  in  any  way  inter- 
fere with  our  undertaking." 


124  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

And  this  from  the  Thirteenth  Protocol: 

"*  *  *  and  you  may  also  notice  that  we  seek 
approval,  not  for  our  acts,  but  for  our  words  uttered 
in  regard  to  one  or  another  question.  We  always 
announce  publicly  that  we  are  guided  in  all  our 
measures  by  the  hope  and  the  conviction  that 
we  are  serving  the  general  good. 

"To  divert  over-restless  people  from  discussing 
political  questions,  we  shall  now  bring  forward 
new    problems    apparently    connected    with    the 
people — problems  of  industry.    In  these,  let  them 
lose  themselves  as  much  as  they  like.    Under  such 
conditions  we  shall  make  them  think  that  the  new 
questions  have  also  a  political  bearing." 
(It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  reader,  as  his  eye  passes 
over  these  details  of  the  Program,  is  also  permitting 
his  mind  to  pass  over  the  trend  of  events,  to  see  if  he 
may  detect  for  himself  these  very  developments  in  the 
life  and  thought  of  the  past  few  years.) 

"To  prevent  them  from  really  thinking  out 
anything  themselves,  we  shall  deflect  their  atten- 
tion to  amusements,  games,  pastimes,  excitements 
and  people's  palaces.    Such  interests  will  distract 
their  minds  completely  from  questions  on  which 
we  might  be  obliged  to  struggle  with  them.     Be- 
coming less  and  less  accustomed  to  independent 
thinking,  people  will  express  themselves  in  unison 
with  us  because  we  alone  offer  new  lines  of  thought 
— of  course  through  persons  whom  they  do  not 
consider  as  in  any  way  connected  with  us." 
In  this  same  Protocol  it  is  plainly  stated  what  is 
the  purpose  of  the  output  of  "hberal"  theories,  of 
which  Jewish  writers,  poets,  rabbis,  societies  and  in- 
fluences are  the  most  prolific  sources: 

"The  role  of  the  liberal  Utopians  will  be  com- 
pletely played  out  when  our  government  is  recog- 
nized. Until  that  time  they  will  perform  good 
service.  For  that  reason  we  will  continue  to  direct 
thought  into  all  the  intricacies  of  fantastic  theories, 
new)  and  supposedly  progressive.  Surely  we  have 
been  completely  successful  in  turning  the  witless 
heads  of  the  Gentiles  by  the  word  'progress.'  " 
Here  is  the  whole  program  of  confusing,  enervating 
and  trivializing  the  mind  of  the  world.    And  it  would 


"JEWISH"     ESTIMATE    OF    GENTIEE    NATURE  125 

be  a  most  outlandish  thought  to  put  into  words,  were 
it  not  possible  to  show  that  this  is  just  what  has  been 
done,  and  is  still  being  done,  by  agencies  which  are 
highly  lauded  and  easy  to  be  identified  among  us. 

A  recent  writer  in  a  prominent  magazine  has 
pointed  out  what  he  calls  the  impossibility  of  the 
Jewish  ruling  group  being  allied  in  one  common  World 
Program  because,  as  he  showed,  there  were  Jews  act- 
ing as  the  leading  minds  in  all  the  divisions  of  present- 
day  opinion.  There  were  Jews  at  the  head  of  the 
capitalists,  Jews  at  the  head  of  the  labor  unions,  and 
Jews  at  the  head  of  those  more  radical  organizations 
which  find  even  the  labor  unions  too  tame.  There  is  a 
Jew  at  the  head  of  the  judiciary  of  England  and  a  Jew 
at  the  head  of  Sovietism  in  Russia.  How  can  you  say, 
he  asked,  that  they  are  united,  when  they  represent  so 
many  points  of  view? 

The  common  unity,  the  possible  common  purpose 
of  it  all,  is  thus  expressed  in  the  Ninth  Protocol: 
"People  of  all  opinions  and  of  all  doctrines 
are  at  our  service,  restorers  of  monarchy,  dema- 
gogues, Socialists,  communists  and  other  Utopi- 
ans.   We  have  put  them  all  to  work.    Every  one 
of  them  from  his  point  of  view  is  undermining 
the  last  remnant  of  authority,  is  trying  to  over- 
throw all  existing  order.     All  the  governments 
have  been  tormented  by  these  actions.     But  we 
will  not  give  them  peace  until  they  recognize  our 
super-government." 
The  function  of  the  idea  is  referred  to  in  the  Tenth 
Protocol  also: 

"When  we  introduced  the  poison  of  liberalism 
into  the  government  organism,  its  entire  poUtical 
complexion  changed." 
The  whole  outlook  of  these  Protocols  upon  the 
world  is  that  the  idea  may  be  made  a  most  potent 
poison.     The  authors  of  these  documents  do  not  be- 
lieve in  liberalism,  they  do  not  believe  in  democracy, 
but  they  lay  plans  for  the  constant  preaching  of  these 
ideas  because  of  their  power  to  break  up  society,  to 
divide  it  into  groups,  to  destroy  the  power  of  collec- 
tive opinion  through  a  variety  of  convictions.     The 
poison  of  an  idea  is  their  most  relied-on  weapon. 
The  plan  of  thus  using  ideas  extends  to  education : 


126  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

"We  have  misled,  stupefied  and  demoralized 
the  youth  of  the  Gentiles  by  means  of  education 
in  principles  a'nd  theories,^  patently  false  to  us, 
but  which  we  have  inspired." — Protocol  9. 
It  extends  also  to  family  life: 

"Having  in  this  way  inspired  everybody  with 
the  thought  of  his  own  importance,  we  will  break 
down  the  influence  of  family  life  among  the  Gen- 
tiles, and  its  educational  importance." — Protocol 
10. 

And  in  a  passage  which  might  well  provide  the  ma- 
terial for  long  examination  and  contemplation  by  the 
thoughtful  reader,  this  is  said: 

"Until  the  time  is  ripe,  let  them  amuse  them- 
selves *  *  *  Let  those  theories  of  life  which  we 
have  induced  them  to  regard  as  the  dictates  of  science 
play  the  most  important  role  for  them.  To  this 
end  we  shall  endeavor  to  inspire  blind  confidence 
in  these  theories  by  means  of  our  Press  *  *  * 

"Note   the    successes   we    have   arranged    in 
Darwinism,  Marxism,  and  Nietzscheism.    The  de- 
moralizing effect  of  these  doctrines  upon  the  minds 
of  the  Gentiles  should  be  evident  at  least  to  us." 
— Protocol  2. 
That  this  disintegration  and  division  of  Gentile  so- 
ciety was  proceeding  at  a  favorable  rate  when  the 
Protocols  were  uttered  is  evident  from  every  line  of 
them.    For  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  Protocols 
are  not  bidding  for  support  for  a  proposed  program, 
but  are  announcing  progress  on  a  program  which  has 
been  in  process  of  fulfillment  for  "centuries"  and  "from 
ancient  times."     They  contain  a  series  of  statements 
regarding  things  accomplished,  as  well  as  a  forelook  at 
things  yet  to  be, accomplished.     The  split  of  Gentile 
society  was  very  satisfactorily  proceeding  in  1896,  or 
thereabouts,  when  these  oracles  were  uttered. 

It  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  purpose  is  nowhere 
stated  to  be  the  extermination  of  the  Gentiles,  but 
their  subjugation,  at  first  under  the  invisible  rule  which 
is  proposed  in  these  documents,  at  length  under  the 
rule  of  one  whom  the  invisible  forces  would  be  able  to 
put  in  control  of  the  world  through  political  changes 
which  would  create  an  office  of  World  President  or 
Autocrat.     The  Gentiles  are  to  be  subdued,  first  in- 


"JEWISH"    ESTIMATE    OF    GENTILE    NATURE  127 

tellectually,  as  here  shown,  and  then  economically. 
Nowhere  is  it  hinted  that  they  are  to  be  deprived  of 
the  earth,  but  only  of  their  independence  of  those 
whom  the  Protocols  represent  to  be  Jews. 

How  far  the  division  of  society  had  proceeded 
when  these  Protocols  were  given  may  be  gathered 
from  the  Fifth  Protocol: 

"A  world  coalition  of  Gentiles  could  cope  with 
us  temporarily,  but  we  are  assured  against  this 
by  roots  of  dissension  among  them  so  deep  that 
they  cannot  be  torn  out.     We  have  created  an- 
tagonism between  the  personal  and  national  in- 
terests of  the"  Gentiles  by  arousing  reUgious  and 
race  hatreds  which  we  have  nourished  in  their 
hearts  for  twenty  centuries." 
As  far  as  that  concerns  the  dissensions  of  the  Gen- 
tiles or  Christian  world,  it  is  absolutely  true.    And  we 
have  seen  in  our  own  nation  how  "the  antagonism 
between  personal  and  national  interests"  have  rested 
on  "religious  and  race  hatreds."     But  whoever  sus- 
pected a  common  source  for  these?     More  amazing 
still,  who  would  expect  any  man  or  group  to  avow 
themselves  the  source?    Yet  it  is  thus  written  in  the 
Protocols — ^'ive  have  created  the  antagonism — 7ve  thus 
assure  ourselves  against  the  possibility  of  a  Gentile 
coalition  against  us."     And  whether  these  Protocols 
are  of  Jewish  origin  or  not,  whether  they  represent 
Jewish  interests  or  not,  this  is  exactly  the  state  of  the 
world,  of  the  Gentile  world,  today. 

But  a  still  deeper  division  is  aimed  for,  and  there 
are  signs  of  even  this  coming  to  pass.  Indeed,  in  Rus- 
sia it  has  already  come  to  pass,  the  spectacle  of  a  Gentile 
lower  class  led  by  Jewish  leaders  against  a  Gentile  upper 
class!  In  the  First  Protocol,  describing  the  effects  of  a 
speculative  industrial  system  upon  the  people,  it  is 
said  that  this  sort  of  economic  folly — 

"*  *  *  has  already  created  and  will  continue 
to  create  a  society  which  is  disillusioned,  cold  and 
heartless.  Such  a  society  is  completely  estranged 
from  politics  and  religion.  Lust  of  gold  will  be  the 
only  guide  of  the  people  *  *  *  THEN,  not  for 
the  sake  of  good,  nor  even  for  the  sake  of  riches, 
but  solely  on  account  of  their  hatred  of  the  privi- 
leged classes,  the  lower  classes  of  the  Gentiles 


128  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

will  follow  US  in  the  struggle  against  our  rivals  for 
power,  the  Gentiles  of  the  intellectual  classes." 

"The  lower  classes  of  the  Gentiles  will  follow  us 
*  *  *  against  *  *  *  the  Gentiles  of  the  intellect 
tual  classes.^' 
If  that  struggle  were  to  occur  today,  the  leaders  of 
the  Gentile  insurgents  against  Gentile  society  would  be 
Jewish  leaders.    They  are  in  the  leader's  place  now — 
not  only  in  Russia,  but  also  in  the  United  States. 


"There  is  all  the  difference  in  the  world,"  said 
a  young  Jeivish  philosopher,  "betzvcen  an  Amer- 
ican Jezv  and  a  Jeivish  American.  A  Jeivish 
American  is  a  mere  amateur  Gentile,  doomed  to 
be  a  parasite  forever." 

— "The  Conquering  Jew,"  p.  91. 


Kioe  of  }m\j  31,  19J0  . 


XII. 


"Jewish  Protocols"  Claim  Partial 
Fulfillment 

"With  the  present  instability  of  all  authority, 
our  power  will  be  more  unassailable  than  any 
other,  because  it  will  be  invisible  until  it  has 
gained  such  strength  that  no  cunning  can  under- 
mine it." — Protocol  1. 

"It  is  indispensable  for  our  purposes  that, 
as  far  as  possible,  wars  should  bring  no  terri- 
torial advantages.  This  will  shift  war  to  an 
economic  footing  ....  Such  a  condition  of  af- 
fairs will  place  both  sides  under  the  control  of 
our  international  agents  with  their  million  eyes, 
whose  vision  is  unhampered  by  any  frontiers. 
Then,  our  international  rights  will  eliminate  na- 
tional rights  in  the  narrow  sense,  and  will  govern 
the  governments  as  they  govern  their  subjects." — 
Protocol  2. 

AS  a  mere  literary  curiosity,  these  documents  which 
are  called  "The  Protocols  of  the  Learned  Elders  of 
Zion,"  would  exercise  a  fascination  by  reason  of  the 
terrii3le  completeness  of  the  World  Plan  which  they 
disclose.  But  they  discourage  at  every  turn  the  view 
that  they  are  literature;  they  purport  to  be  statesman- 
ship, and  they  provide  within  their  own  lines  the  clue 
by  which  their  status  may  be  determined.  Besides 
the  things  they  look  forward  to  doing,  they  announce 
the  things  the^y  have  done  and  are  doing.  If,  in  look- 
ing about  the  world,  it  is  possible  to  see  both  the 
estabhshed  conditions  and  the  strong  tendencies  to 
which  these  Protocols  allude,  it  will  not  be  strange  if 
interest  in  a  mere  literary  curiosity  gives  way  to 
something  like  alertness,  and  it  may  be  alarm. 

A  few  general  quotations  will  serve  to  illustrate 
the  element  of  present  achievement  in  the  assertions 
of  these  documents,  and  in  order  that  the  point  may 
be  made  clear  to  the  reader  the  key  words  will  be 
emphasized. 


130  THE   INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

Take  this  from  Protocol  Nine: 

"In  reality  there  are  no  obstacles  before  us. 
Our  super-government  has  such  an  extra-legal 
status  that  it  may  be  called  by  the  energetic  and 
strong  word — dictatorship.  I  can  conscientiously 
say  that,  at  the  present  time,  we  are  the  law- 
makers. We  create  courts  and  jurisprudence.  We 
rule  with  a  strong  will  because  we  hold  in  our 
hands  the  remains  of  a  once  strong  party,  now 
subjugated  by  us." 
And  this  from  the  Eighth  Protocol: 

"We  will  surround  our  government  with  a 
whole  world  of  economists.    It  is  for  this  reason 
that  the  science  of  economics  is  the  chief  subject  of 
instruction  taught  by  the  Jews.    We  shall  be  sur- 
rounded by  a  whole  galaxy  of  bankers,  indus- 
trialists,  capitalists,   and  especially  by  million- 
aires because,  actually,  everything  will  be  de- 
cided by  an  appeal  to  figures." 
These  are  strong  claims,  but  not  too  strong  for  the 
facts  that  can  be  marshaled  to  illustrate  them.    They 
are,  however,  but  an  introduction  to  further  claims 
that  are  made  and  equally  paralleled  by  the  facts.    All 
through  the  Protocols,  as  in  this  quotation  from  the 
Eighth,  the  pre-eminence  of  the  Jews  in  the  teachiiig 
of  political  economy  is  insisted  upon,  and  the  facts 
bear  that  out.     They  are  the  chief  authors  of  those 
vagaries  which  lead  the  mob  after  economic  impossi- 
biUties,  and  they  are  also  the  chief  teachers  of  political 
economy  in  our  universities,  the  chief  authors  of  those 
popular  textbooks  in  the  subject,  which  hold  the  con- 
servative classes  to  the  fiction  that  economic  theories 
are  economic  laivs.     The  idea,  the  theory,  as  instru- 
ments of  social  disintegration  are  common  to  both  the 
university  Jew  and  the  Bolshevik  Jew.    When  all  this 
is  shown  in  detail,  public  opinion  upon  the  importance 
of  academic  and  radical  economics  may  undergo  a 
change. 

And,  as  claimed  in  the  quotation  just  given  from 
the  Ninth  Protocol,  the  Jewish  world  power  does  to- 
day constitute  a  super-government.  It  is  the  Proto- 
col's own  word,  and  none  is  more  fitting.  No  nation 
can  get  all  that  it  wants,  but  the  Jewish  World  Power 
can  get  all  that  it  wants,  even  though  its  demands  ex- 


"JEWISH  rROTOrOLS"  CLAIM  PART  FULFILLMENT     131 

ceed  Gentile  equality.  "We  are  the  lawmakers,"  say 
the  Protocols,  and  Jewish  influences  have  been  law- 
makers in  a  greater  degree  than  any  but  the  specialists 
realize.  In  the  past  ten  years  Jewish  international 
rule,  or  the  power  of  the  group  of  International  Jews 
has  quite  dominated  the  world.  More  than  that,  it  has 
been  powerful  enough  to  prevent  the  passage  of  salu- 
tary laws,  and  where  one  law  may  have  shpped  through 
to  a  place  on  the  statute  books,  it  has  been  powerful 
enough  to  get  it  interpreted  in  a  sense  that  rendered 
it  useless  for  its  purpose.  This,  too,  can  be  illustrated 
by  a  large  collection  of  facts. 

Moreover,  the  method  by  which  this  is  done  was 
outlined  long  ago  in  the  program  of  which  the  Proto- 
cols purport  to  be  an  outline.  ''We  create  courts,"  con- 
tinues the  quotation,  and  it  is  followed  in  other  Proto- 
cols by  numerous  references  to  "our  judges."  There 
is  a  Jewish  court  sitting  in  a  public  building  in  the 
city  of  New  York  every  week,  and  other  courts,  for 
the  sole  advantage  and  use  of  this  people  whose  spokes- 
men deny  that  they  are  a  "separate  people,"  are  in 
formation  everywhere.  The  Zionist  plan  has  already 
been  used  in  some  of  the  smaller  European  countries 
to  confer  an  extra-citizenship  upon  Jews  who  already 
enjoy  citizenship  in  the  lands  of  their  residence,  and  in 
addition  to -that  a  degree  of  self-rule  under  the  very 
governments  which  they  demand  to  protect  them. 
Wherever  Jewish  tendencies  are  permitted  to  work  un- 
hindered, the  result  is  not  "Americanization,"  nor 
"Anghcization"  nor  any  other  distinctive  nationalism, 
but  a  strong  and  ruling  reversion  back  to  essential 
"Judaization." 

The  "agents"  referred  to  in  the  first  quotation  will 
receive  attention  in  another  article.  To  resume  the 
claims  of  the  Protocols:  This  from  the  Seventeenth 
Protocol: 

"We  have  taken  good  care  long  ago  to  dis- 
credit the  Gentile  clergy  and  thereby  to  destroy 
their  mission,  which  at  present  might  hamper 
us  considerably.  Their  influence  over  the  people 
diminishes  daily. 

"Freedom  of  conscience  has  been  proclaimed 
everywhere.  Consequently  it  is  only  a  question  of 
time  when  the  complete  crash  of  the  Christian 


132  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

religion   will   occur.      It   will   be   easier   still   to 
handle  the  other  religions,  but  it  is  too  early  to 
discuss  this  phase  of  the  subject." 
This  will  be  of  considerable  interest,  perhaps,  to 
those  clergymen  who  are  laboring  with  Jewish  rabbis 
to  bring  about  some  kind  of  religious  union.    Such  a 
union  would  of  necessity  dispose  of  Christ  as  a  well- 
meaning  but  wholly  mistaken  Jewish  prophet,  and 
thus  distinctive  Christianity  would  cease  to  exist  in- 
sofar as  the  "union"  was  effective.    The  principal  re- 
ligious aversion  of  the  Protocols,  however,  so  far  as  it 
is  expressed,  is  against  the  Catholic  church  in  general 
and  the  pontifical  office  in  particular. 

A  curious  paragraph  in  this  Protocol  claims  for 
the  Jewish  race  a  particular  skill  in  the  art  of  insult: 
"Our  contemporary  press  will  expose  govern- 
mental and  religious  affairs  and  the  incapacity 
of  the  Gentiles,  always  using  expressions  so  derog- 
atory as  to  approach  insult,  the  faculty  of  em- 
ploying which  is  so  well  known  to  our  race." 
This  from  the  Fifth  Protocol: 

"Under  our  influence  the  execution  of  the 
laws  of  the  Gentiles  is  reduced  to  a  minimum. 
Respect  for  the  law  is  undermined  by  the  lib- 
eral interpretation  we  have  introduced  in  this 
sphere.  The  courts  decide  as  we  dictate,  even  in 
the  most  important  cases  in  which  are  involved 
fundamental  principles  or  political  issues,  view- 
ing them  in  the  light  in  which  we  present  them  to 
the  Gentile  administration  through  agents  with 
whom  we  have  apparently  "nothing  in  common, 
through  newspaper  opinion  and  other  avenues. 

"In  Gentile  society  where  we  have  planted  dis- 
cord and  protestantism  *  *  *  *" 
The  word  "protestantism"  is  evidently  not  used  in 
the  religious  or  sectarian  sense,  but  to  denote  a  temper 
of  querulous  fault-finding  destructive  of  harmonious 
collective  opinion. 

This  from  the  Fourteenth  Protocol: 

"In  countries  called  advanced,  we  have  created 
a  senseless,  filthy  and  disgusting  literature.  For 
a  short  time  after  our  entrance  into  power  we 
shall  encourage  its  existence  so  that  it  may  show 
in  greater  relief  the  contrast  between  it  and  the 


"JKWISH   PROTOrOLS"  CLAIM  PART  FULFILLMENT     133 

written  and  spoken  announcements  which   will 
emanate  from  us." 
Discussing  in  the  Twelfth  Protocol  the  control  of 
the  Press — a  subject  which  must  l)e  treated  more  ex- 
tensively in  another  article — the  claim  is  made: 

'^We  have  attained  this  at  the  present  time  to 
the  extent  that  all  news  is  received  through  sev- 
eral agencies  in  which  it  is  centralized  from  all 
parts  of  the  world.     These  agencies  will  then  be 
•     to  all  intents  and  purposes  our  own  institutions 
and  will  publish  only  that  which  we  permit." 
This  from  the  Seventh  Protocol  bears  on  the  same 
subject: 

"We  must  force  the  Gentile  governments  to 
adopt  measures  which  will  promote  our  broadly 
conceived  plan,  already  approaching  its  trium- 
phant goal,  by  bringing  to  bear  the  pressure  of 
stimulated   public   opinion,   ichich   has   been   or- 
ganized by  us  with  the  help  of  the  so-called  'great 
power'  of  the  press.     With  a  few  exceptions  not 
worth  considering,  it  is  already  in  our  hands." 
To  resume  the  Twelfth  Protocol: 
"If  we  have  already  managed  to  dominate  the 
mind  of  Gentile  society  to  such  a  point  that  al- 
most all  see  world  affairs  through  the  colored 
lenses  of  the  spectacles  which  we  place  before  their 
eyes,  and  if  now  there  is  not  one  government  with 
harriers  erected  against  our  access  ^o'that  which  by 
Gentile  stupidity  is  called  state  secrets,  what  then 
will  it  be  when  we  are  the  recognized  masters  of 
the  world  in  the  person  of  our  universal  ruler?" 
The  Jewish  nation  is  the  only  nation  that  possesses 
the  secrets  of  all  the  rest.    No  nation  long  protects  a 
secret  which  directly  concerns  another  nation,  but 
even  so,  no  nation  has  all  the  secrets  of  all  the  other 
nations.    Yet  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  Inter- 
national Jews  have  this  knowledge.     Much  of  it,  of 
course,  amounts  to  nothing  and  their  possession  of  it 
does  not  materially  add  to  their  power,  but  the  fact 
that  they  have  the  access,  that  they  can  get  what- 
ever they  want  when  they  want  it  is  the  important 
point — as  many  a  secret  paper  could  testify  if  it  could 
talk,  and  many  a  custodian  of  secret  papers  could  tell 
if  he  would    The  real  secret  diplomacy  of  the  world 


134  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

is  that  which  hands  over  the  world's  so-called  secrets 
to  a  few  men  who  are  members  of  one  race.  The 
surface  of  diplomacy,  those  activities  which  get  written 
down  in  the  memoirs  of  comfortably  aging  statesmen, 
those  coups  and  treaties  which  are  given  high-sounding 
fame  as  if  they  really  were  important — that  is  in- 
comparable with  the  diplomacy  of  Judah,  and  its 
matchless  enginery  for  worming  out  the  hidden  knowl- 
edge of  every  ruling  group.  The  United  States  is  in- 
cluded in  all  these  statements.  Perhaps  there  is  no' 
government,  in  the  world  so  completely  at  their  serv- 
ice as  is  our  own  at  present,  their  control  having  been 
gained  during  the  past  five  or  six  years. 

The  Protocols  do  not  regard  the  dispersal  of  the 
Jews  abroad  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  as  a  calamity, 
but  as  a  providential  arrangement  by  which  the  World 
Plan  can  be  the  more  certainly  executed,  as  see  these 
words  of  the  Eleventh  Protocol: 

"God  gave  to  us,  His  Chosen  People,  as  a 
blessing,  the  dispersal,  and  this  which  has  appeared 
to  all  to  be  our  weakness  has  been  our  ivhole  strength. 
It  has  now  brought  us  to  the  threshold  of  uni- 
versal rule." 
The  claims  to  accomplishment  which  are  put  forth 
in  the  Ninth  Protocol  would  be  too  massive  for  words 
were  they  too  massive  for  concrete  realization,  but 
there  is  a  point  where  the  word  and  the  actuality  meet 
and  tally. 

"In  order  not  to  destroy  prematurely  the 
Gentile  institution's,  we  have  laid  our  efficient 
hands  on  them,  and  rasped  the  springs  of  their 
mechanism.  They  were  formerly  in  strict  and 
just  order,  but  we  have  replaced  them  with  a  lib-  * 
eral  disorganized  and  arbitrary  administration. 
We  have  tampered  with  jurisprudence,  the  fran- 
chise, the  press,  freedom  of  the  person,  and,  most 
important  of  all,  education  and  culture,  the  cor- 
ner stone  of  free  existence. 

^^We  have  misled,  stupefied  and  demoralized 
the  youth  of  the  Gentiles  by  means  of  education 
in  principles  and  theories  patently  false  to  us, 
but  which  we  have  inspired. 

"Above  existing  laws,  without  actual  change 


"JEWISH  PROTOCOLS"  CLAIM  PART  FULFILLMENT     135 

but  by  distorting  them  through  contradictory  in- 
terpretations, we  have  created  something  stupend- 
ous in  the  way  of  results." 
Everyone  knows  that,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the 
air  was  never  so  full  of  theories  of  liberty  and  wild 
declarations  of  "rights,"  there  has  been  a  steady  cur- 
tailment of  "personal  freedom."  Instead  of  being 
socialized,  the  people,  under  a  cover  of  socialistic 
phrases,  are  being  brought  under  an  unaccustomed 
bondage  to  the  state.  The  Public  Health  is  one  plea. 
Various  forms  of  Public  Safety  are  other  pleas.  Chil- 
dren are  hardly  free  to  play  nowadays  except  under 
play-masters  appointed  by  the  State,  among  whom, 
curiously  enough,  an  astonishing  proportion  of  Jews 
manage  to  find  a  place.  The  streets  are  no  longer  as 
free  as  they  were;  laws  of  every  kind  are  hedging 
upon  the  harmless  liberties  of  the  people.  A  steady 
tendency  toward  systematization,  every  phase  of  the 
tendency  based  upon  some  very  learnedly  stated  "prin- 
ciple," has  set  in,  and  curiously  enough,  when  the  in- 
vestigator pursues  his  way  to  the  authoritative  center 
of  these  movements  for  the  regulation  of  the  people's 
life,  he  finds  Jews  in  power.  Children  are  being  lured 
away  from  the  "social  center"  of  the  home  for  other 
"centers";  they  are  being  led  away  (and  we  are  speak- 
ing of  Gentile  children — no  Gentiles  are  ever  allowed 
to  regulate  the  lives  of  Jewish  children)  from  their 
natural  leaders  in  home,  church  and  school,  to  in- 
stitutionalized "centers"  and  scientific  "play  spots,"" 
under  "trained  leaders"  whose  whole  effect,  con- 
sciously or  unconsciously,  is  to  lead  the  modern  child 
to  look  to  the  State,  instead  of  its  natural  environ- 
ment, for  leadership.  All  this  focuses  up  to  the  World 
Plan  for  the  subjugation  of  the  Gentiles,  and  if  it  is 
not  the  Jewish  World  Plan  it  would  be  interesting  to 
know  why  the  material  for  it  is  so  largely  Gentile 
children  and  the  leaders  of  it  so  often  of  the  Jewish 
race. 

Jewish  liberties  are  the  best  safeguarded  in  the 
United  States.  Gentiles  take  their  chance  with  pub- 
lic matters,  but  every  Jewish  community  is  surrounded 
by  special  protectors  who  gain  special  recognition  by 
various  devices — political  and  business  threats  not  the 
least  of  them.     No  public  spirited  Gentiles  are  wel- 


136  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

coined  to  the  task  of  regulating  the  lives  of  Jewish 
children.  The  Jewish  community  in  every  city  is  all- 
sufficient  in  itself  as  far  as  such  activities  go.  The 
most  secret  of  all  parochial  schools  are  the  Jewish 
schools,  whose  very  locations  are  not  all  known  to  the 
officials  of  large  cities.  The  Jew  is  almost  anxious  in 
his  efforts  to  mold  the  Gentile  mind;  he  insists  on 
being  permitted  to  tell  the  Gentile  what  to  think, 
especially  about  the  Jew;  he  is  not  averse  to  influenc- 
ing general  Gentile  thought  in  a  manner  which, 
though  it  come  about  by  wide  circles,  works  ultimately 
into  the  Jewish  scheme  of  things.  The  anxiety  and  the 
insistence,  so  well  known  to  all  who  have  observed 
them,  are  only  reflections  of  the  Jew's  conviction  that 
his  is  the  superior  race  and  is  capable  of  directing  the 
inferior  race — of  which  there  is  but  one,  including 
the  whole  non-Jewish  world. 

Every  influence  that  leads  to  lightness  and  loose- 
ness in  Gentile  youth  today  heads  up  in  a  Jewish 
source.  Did  the  young  people  of  the  world  devise  the 
"sport  clothes"  which  have  had  so  deleterious  an  ef- 
fect on  the  youth  of  the  times  that  every  publicist  has 
thought  it  worthy  of  mention?  Those  styles  come  out 
of  Jewish  clothing  concerns,  where  certainly  art  is 
not  the  rule  nor  moral  influence  the  main  considera- 
tion. The  moving  picture  is  an  interesting  develop- 
ment of  photography  allied  with  the  show  business, 
but  whose  is  the  responsibility  for  its  development 
along  such  lines  as  make  it  a  menace  to  the  minds  of 
millions — so  serious  a  menace  that  it  has  not  escaped 
observation  and  condemnation  everywhere?  Who  are 
the  masters  of  musical  jazz  in  the  world?  Who  direct 
all  the  cheap  jewelry  houses,  the  bridge-head  show 
parks,  the  "coney  islands,"  the  centers  of  nervous 
thrills  and  looseness?  It  is  possible  to  take  the  showy 
young  man  and  woman  of  trivial  outlook  and  loose 
sense  of  responsibility,  and  tag  them  outwardly  and 
inwardly,  from  their  clothing  and  ornaments  to  their 
hectic  ideas  and  hopes,  with  the  same  tag,  "Made, 
introduced  and  exploited  by  a  Jew." 

There  is,  therefore,  something  most  sinister  in  the 
light  which  events  cast  upon  that  paragraph: 

"We  have  misled,  stupefied,  and  demoralized 
the  youth  of  the  Gentiles  by  means  of  education 


"JEWISH  PROTOCOLS"  CLAIM  PART  FULFILLMENT     137 

in  principles  and  theories,  patently  false  to  us, 

but  which  we  have  inspired." 
"Principles  and  theories"  do  not  necessarily  imply 
lofty  or  even  modest  intellectual  qualities.  The 
youngster  who  spends  his  noon  hours  and  evenings  at 
the  movies  is  getting  his  "principles  and  theories"  just 
as  the  more  intellectual  youngster  from  a  higher  grade 
of  society  who  listens  to  a  Jewish  "liberal"  expound 
"sex  liberty"  and  the  "control  of  population"  is  getting 
his.  The  looseness  which  inheres  in  these  "principles 
and  theories"  does  not  emanate  from  the  Gentile  home, 
or  the  Gentile  church,  or  from  any  line  of  money- 
making  which  is  filled  principally  with  Gentiles,  but 
from  theories,  movements  and  lines  of  money-making 
mostly  fancied  by  Jews.  This  line  of  accusation  could 
be  run  much  deeper,  but  it  is  preferred  to  restrict  it 
to  what  is  observable  by  decent  eyes  everywhere. 

And  that  "the  youth  of  the  Gentiles"  are  the  prin- 
cipal victims,  and  not  the  youth  of  the  Jews,  is  also 
observable.  While  a  certain  percentage  of  Jewish 
youth  itself  is  overcome  by  this  social  poison,  the 
percentage  is  almost  nothing  compared  with  the  re- 
sults among  the  youth  of  the  Gentiles.  It  is  a  sig- 
nificant fact  that  Jews  who  link  this  process  of  enerva- 
tion of  Gentiles  with  large  profits  are  not  themselves, 
nor  are  their  sons  and  daughters,  the -victims  of  this 
enervation.  Jewish  youth  comes  through  more 
proudly  and  more  cleanly  than  the  mass  of  Gentile 
youth. 

Many  a  father  and  mother,  many  a  sound-minded, 
uncorrupted  young  person,  and  thousands  of  teachers 
and  publicists  have  cried  out  against  luxury.  Many  a 
financier,  observing  the  manner  in  which  the  people 
earned  and  flung  away  their  money,  has  warned 
against  luxury.  Many  an  economist,  knowing  that  the 
nonessential  industries  were  consuming  men  and  ma- 
terials that  were  necessary  to  the  stabilizing  of  essen- 
tial industries;  knowing  that  men  are  making  knick- 
knacks  who  should  be  making  steel;  knowing  that  men 
are  engaged  in  making  gew-gaws  who  should  be  work- 
ing on  the  farm ;  that  materials  are  going  into  articles 
that  are  made  only  to  sell  and  never  to  use,  and  that 
materials  are  thus  diverted  from  the  industries  that 
support  the  people's  life — every  observer  knowing  this 


138  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

crazy  insistence  on  luxurious  nonessentials  has  lifted 
up  a  strong  voice  against  it. 

But,  according  to  these  Protocols,  we  have  been 
starting  at  the  wrong  end.  The  people,  it  is  true,  buy 
these  senseless  nonessentials  which  are  called  luxuries. 
But  the  people  do  not  devise  them.  And  the  people 
grow  tired  of  them  one  by  one.  But  the  stream  of 
varieties  continues — always  something  else  being 
thrust  at  the  people,  dangled  before  th^eir  eyes,  set 
bobbing  down  the  avenue  on  enough  manikins  to  give 
the  impression  that  it  is  "style";  newspaper  print 
and  newspaper  pictures;  movie  pictures;  stage  cos- 
tumes enough  to  force  the  new  thing  into  "fashion" 
with  a  kind  of  force  and  compulsion  which  no  really 
worthy  essential  thing  can  command. 

Where  does  it  come  from?  What  power  exists 
whose  long  experience  and  deliberate  intent  enable  it 
to  frivolize  the  people's  minds  and  tastes  and  compel 
them  to  pay  most  of  their  money  for  it  too?  Why  this 
spasm  of  luxury  and  extravagance  through  which  we 
have  just  passed?  How  did  it  occur  that  before  lux- 
ury and  extravagance  were  apparent,  all  the  material 
to  provoke  and  inflame  them  had  been  prepared  be- 
forehand and  shipped  beforehand,  ready  for  the  stam- 
pede which  also  had  been  prepared? 

If  the  people  of  the  United  States  would  stop  to 
consider,  when  the  useless  and  expensive  thing  is 
offered  them — if  they  would  trace  its  origin,  trace  the 
course  of  the  enormous  profits  made  out  of  it,  trace 
the  whole  movement  to  flood  the  market  with  useless- 
ness  and  extravagance  and  thus  demorahze  the  Gentile 
public  financially,  intellectually  and  socially — if,  in 
short,  it  could  be  made  clear  to  them  that  Jewish 
financial  interests  are  not  only  pandering  to  the  loosest 
elements  in  human  nature,  but  actually  engaged  in  a 
calculated  effort  to  render  them  loose  in  the  first  place 
and  keep  them  loose — it  would  do  more  than  anything 
else  to  stop  this  sixfold  waste — the  waste  of  material, 
the  waste  of  labor,  the  waste  of  Gentile  money,  the 
waste  of  Gentile  mind,  the  waste  of  Jewish  talent,  and 
the  worse  than  waste  of  Israel's  real  usefulness  to  the 
world. 

We  say  the  Gentile  public  is  the  victim  of  this  stim- 
ulated trade  in  useless  luxuries.     Did  you  ever  see 


"JEWISH  PROTOCOLS"  CLAIM  i-ART  FULFILLMENT     139 

Jewish  people  so  victimized?  They  might  wear  very 
noticeable  clothing,  but  its  price  and  its  quality  agree. 
They  might  wear  ratUer  large  diamonds,  but  they  are 
diamonds.  The  Jew  is  not  the  victim  of  the  Jew,  the 
craze  for  luxuries  is  just  like  the  "coney  island"  crowd 
to  him;  he  knows  what  attracts  them  and  the  worth- 
lessness  of  it. 

And  it  is  not  so  much  the  financial  loss  that  is  to 
be  mourned,  nor  yet  the  atrocities  committed  upon 
good  taste,  but  the  fact  that  the  silly  Gentile  crowds 
walk  into  the  net  willingly,  even  gaily,  supposing  the 
change  of  the  fashion  to  be  as  inevitable  as  the  coming 
of  spring,  supposing  the  new  demand  on  their  earnings 
to  be  as  necessary  and  as  natural  as  taxes.  The 
crowds  think  that  somehow  they  have  part  in  it, 
when  their  only  part  is  to  pay,  and  then  pay  again  for 
the  new  extravagance  when  the  present  one  palls. 
There  are  men  in  this  country  who  know  two  years 
ahead  what  the  frivolities  and  extravagances  of  the 
people  will  be,  because  they  decree  what  they  shall  be. 
These  things  are  all  strictly  business,  demoralizing  to 
the  Gentile  majority,  enriching  to  the  Jewish  minority. 
Look  at  the  Sixth  Protocol  for  a  sideUght  on  all 
this: 

This  is  an  excerpt  from  a  longer  passage  dealing 
with  the  plans  by  which  the  people's  interest  could  be 
swung  from  pohtical  to  industrial  questions,  how  in- 
dustry could  be  made  insecure  and  unfair  by  the  in- 
troduction of  speculation  into  its  management,  and 
finally  how  against  this  condition  the  people  could  be 
rendered  restless  and  helpless.  Luxury  was  to  be  the 
instrument: 

"To  destroy  Gentile  industry,  we  shall,  as  an 
incentive  to  this  speculation,  encourage  among  the 
Gentiles  a  strong  demand  for  luxuries — all  enticing 
luxuries.'' 
And  in  the  First  Protocol: 

"Surely  we  cannot  allow  our  own  people  to 
come  to  this.     The  people  of  the  Gentiles  are 
stupefied  with  spirituous  liquors  *  *  *" 
— incidentally,  the  profits  of  spirituous  liquors  flow  in 
large  amounts  to  Jewish  pockets.    The  history  of  the 
whisky  ring  in  this  country  will  show  this.     Historic- 
ally, the  whole  prohibition  movement  may  be  described  as 


140  TH«    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

a  contest  between  Geyitile  and  Jewish  capital,  and  in  this 
instance,  thanks  to  the  Gentile  majority,  the  Gentiles 
won. 

The  amusement,  gambhng,  jazz  song,  scarlet  fic- 
tion, side  show,  cheap-dear  fashions,  flashy  jewelry, 
and  every  other  activity  that  lived  by  reason  of  an  in- 
visible pressure  upon  the  people,  and  that  exchanged 
the  most  useless  of  commodities  for  the  prices  that 
would  just  exhaust  the  people's  money  surplus  and 
no  more — every  such  activity  has  been  under  the  mas- 
tery of  Jews. 

They  may  not  be  conscious  of  their  participation  in 
any  wholesale  demoralization  of  the  people.  They 
may  only  be  conscious  of  "easy  money."  They  may 
sometimes  yield  to  surprise  as  they  contrast  the  silly 
Gentiles  with  their  own  money-wise  and  fabric-wise 
and  metal-wise  Jews.  But  however  this  may  be,  there 
is  the  conception  of  a  program  by  which  a  people  may 
be  deliberately  devastated  materially  and  spiritually, 
and  yet  kept  pleasant  all  the  time — and  there  also  is 
the  same  program  translated  into  terms  of  daily  trans- 
actions and  for  the  most  part,  perhaps  altogether  under 
control  of  the  members  of  one  race. 


Wise  of  AnCast  7,  1920. 


XIII. 


"Jewish"  Plan  to  Split  Society 
by  "Ideas" 

THE  method  by  which  the  Protocols  work  for  the 
breakdown  of  society  should  now  be  fairly  evident 
to  readers  of  these  articles.  An  understanding  of  the 
method  is  necessary  if  one  is  to  find  the  meaning  of 
the  currents  and  cross-currents  which  make  so  hope- 
less a  hodge-podge  of  the  present  times.  People  who 
are  confused  and  discouraged  by  the  various  voices 
and  discordant  theories  of  today,  each  seeming  to  be 
plausible  and  promising,  may  find  a  clear  clue  to  the 
value  of  the  voices  and  the  meaning  of  the  theories 
if  they  understand  that  their  confusion  and  discourage- 
ment comprise  the  very  objective  which  is  sought. 
The  uncertainty,  hesitation,  hopelessness,  fear;  the 
eagerness  with  which  every  promising  plan  and  offered 
solution  is  grasped — these  are  the  very  reactions  which 
the  program  outlined  in  the  Protocols  aims  to  pro- 
duce. The  condition  is  proof  of  the  efficacy  of  the 
program. 

It  is  a  method  that  takes  time,  and  the  Protocols 
declare  that  it  has  taken  time,  indeed,  centuries.  Stu- 
dents of  the  matter  find  the  identical  program  of  the 
Protocols,  announced  and  operated  by  the  Jewish  race, 
from  the  first  century  onward. 

It  has  taken  1900  years  to  bring  Europe  to  its  pres- 
ent degree  of  subjugation— violent  subjugation  in  some 
countries,  political  subjugation  in  some,  economic  sub- 
jugation in  all — but  in  America  the  same  program, 
with  almost  the  same  degree  of  success,  has  required 
about  50  years.  Certain  mistaken  ideas  of  liberalism, 
certain  flabby  ideas  of  tolerance,  all  of  tjiem  originat- 
ing at  European  sources  which  the  Protocolists  had 
completely  polluted,  were  transported  to  America,  and 
here  under  cover  of  the  blindness  and  innocence  of  a 
false  liberalism  and  tolerance,  together  with  modern 
appliances  for  the  swift  acceleration  of  opinion,  there 
has  been  worked  a  subjugation  of  our  institutions  and 
public  thought  which  is  the  amazement  of  European 


142  THE    INTERNAilONAL   JEW 

observers.  It  is  a  fact  that  some  of  the  important 
students  of  the  Jewish  Question,  whom  Jewish  pub- 
licists are  pleased  to  damn  with  the  term  "Anti- 
Semites,"  have  been  awakened  to  the  existence  of 
the  Question  not  by  what  they  have  observed  in 
Europe,  but  by  what  they  have  seen  in  the  swift  and 
distinct  "close-up"  which  has  been  afforded  in  Ameri- 
can affairs. 

The  center  of  Jewish  power,  the  principal  sponsors 
of  the  Jewish  program,  are  resident  in  America,  and 
the  leverage  which  was  used  at  the  Peace  Conference 
to  fasten  Jewish  power  more  securely  upon  Europe, 
was  American  leverage  exercised  at  the  behest  of  the 
strong  Jewish  pressure  which  was  brought  from  the 
United  States  for  that  purpose.  And  these  activities 
did  not  end  with  the  Peace  Conference. 

The  whole  method  of  the  Protocols  may  be  de- 
scribed in  one  word.  Disintegration.  The  undoing  of 
what  has  been  done,  the  creation  of  a  long  and  hope- 
less interim  in  which  attempts  at  reconstruction  shall 
be  baffled,  and  the  gradual  wearing  down  of  public 
opinion  and  public  confidence,  until  those  who  stand 
outside  the  created  chaos  shall  insert  their  strong 
calm  hand  to  seize  control — that  is  the  whole  method 
of  procedure. 

Putting  together  the  estimate  of  human  nature 
which  obtains  in  these  Protocols,  and  their  claims  to 
a  rather  definite  though  as  yet  incomplete  fulfillment 
of  olie  World  Program  (these  two  comprising  the 
themes  of  the  previous  two  articles),  some  of  the 
aspects  of  this  propaganda  of  disintegration  have  be- 
come clear.  But  not  all  of  them.  There  are  yet 
other  aspects  of  these  methods,  which  will  be  dealt 
with  in  the  present  article,  and  there  are  yet  future 
reaches  of  the  program  which  will  be  considered  later. 

The  first  point  of  attack  is  Collective  Opinion,  that 
body  of  ideas  which  through  men's  agreement  with 
them,  holds  large  groups  together  in  political,  racial, 
religious  or  social  unity.  Sometimes  we  call  them 
"standards,"  sometimes  we  call  them  "ideals";  what- 
ever they  may  be  called,  they  are  the  invisible  bonds 
of  unity,  they  are  the  common  faith,  they  are  the 
great  overarching  reason  for  group  unity  and  loyalty. 

The  Protocols  assert  that  here  the  first  attack  has 


"JEWISH"  PLAN  TO   SPLIT  SOCIETY   BY   "IDEAS"       143 

been  made.  The  history  of  Jewish  propaganda  in  the 
world  shows  that  also. 

The  first  wave  of  attack  is  to  corrupt  Collective 
Opinion.  Now,  to  "corrupt"  in  the  real  sense  does 
not  mean  anything  unsavory  or  unclean.  The  whole 
power  of  every  heresy  is  its  attractiveness  to  the  good 
mind.  The  whole  explanation  of  the  strong  hold 
which  untruth  has  gained  upon  the  world  of  our  day, 
is  that  the  untruth  is  reasonable,  inspiring  and  appar- 
ently good.  It  is  only  after  a  long  discipline  in  false 
ideals — which  are  reasonable,  inspiring  and  good — that 
the  evil  fruits  appear  in  acts  and  conditions  which  are 
unreasonable,  destructive  and  wholly  evil.  If  you  will 
trace  the  idea  of  Liberty  as  it  has  appeared  in  Russian 
history,  from  its  philosophic  beginning  (a  Jewish  be- 
ginning, by  the  way)  to  its  present  ending  (a  Jewish 
ending  also),  you  will  see  the  process. 

The  Protocols  claim  that  the  Gentiles  are  not 
thinkers,  that  attractive  ideas  have  been  thrown  at 
them  so  strategically  and  persistently  that  the  power 
of  thought  is  almost  destroyed  out  of  them.  Fortu- 
nately this  is  a  matter  on  which  any  Gentile  may  apply 
his  own  test.  If  he  will  segregate  his  ruhng  ideas, 
especially  those  that  center  round  the  thought  of 
"democracy,"  he  will  discover  that  he  is  being  ruled 
in  his  mind  by  a  whole  company  of  ideas  into  whose 
authority  over  him  he  has  not  inquired  at  all.  He  is 
ruled  by  "say  so"  whose  origin  he  has  not  traced. 
And  when,  pursuing  those  ideas,  he  finds  that  they  are 
not  practicable,  he  is  received  by  the  explanation  that 
"we  are  not  yet  sufficiently  advanced."  Yet  when 
he  does  see  men  who  are  sufficiently  "advanced"  to 
put  these  very  ideas  into  operation,  he  recoils  from 
what  he  sees  them  do,  because  he  knows  that  "ad- 
vancement" such  as  that  is  deterioration — a  form  of 
disintegration.  Yet  every  one  of  the  ideas  were 
"good,"  "reasonable,"  "inspiring,"  "humane,"  to  be- 
gin with.  And,  if  this  Gentile  will  observe  a  little 
further,  he  will  see  that  they  are  the  most  persistently 
preached  ideas  in  the  world;  he  will  also  see  who  the 
preachers  are. 

The  Protocols  distinctly  declare  that  it  is  by  means 
of  the  set  of  ideas  which  cluster  around  "democracy," 
that  their  first  victory  over  pubfic  opinion  was  ob- 


144  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

tained.  The  idea  is  the  weapon.  And  to  be  a  weapon 
it  must  be  an  idea  at  variance  with  the  natural  trend 
of  Hfe.  It  must  indeed  be  a  theory  opposed  to  the 
facts  of  life.  And  no  theory  so  opposed  can  be  ex- 
pected to  take  root  and  become  the  ruling  factor,  un- 
less it  appeals  to  the  mind  as  reasonable,  inspiring  and 
good.  The  Truth  frequently  seems  unreasonable;  the 
Truth  frequently  is  depressing;  the  Truth  sometimes 
seems  to  be  evil;  but  it  has  this  eternal  advantage,  it 
is  the  Truth,  and  what  is  built  thereon  neither  brings 
nor  yields  to  confusion. 

This  first  step  does  not  give  the  control  of  public 
opinion,  but  leads  up  to  it.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
it  is  this  sowing  of  "the  poison  of  liberalism,"  as  the 
Protocols  name  it,  which  comes  first  in  order  in  those 
documents.  Then,  following  upon  that,  the  Protocols 
say: 

"To  obtain  control  over  public  opinion  it  is 
first  necessary  to  confuse  it." 

Truth  is  one  and  cannot  be  confused,  but  this 
false,  appealing  liberalism  which  has  been  sown  broad- 
cast, and  which  is  ripening  faster  under  Jewish  nur- 
ture in  America  than  ever  it  did  in  Europe,  is  easily 
confused  because  it  is  not  truth.  It  is  error,  and  error 
has  a  thousand  forms.  Take  a  nation,  a  party,  a  city, 
an  association  in  which  "the  poison  of  liberalism"  has 
been  sown,  and  you  can  split  that  up  into  as  many 
factions  as  there  are  individuals  simply  by  throwing 
among  them  certain  modifications  of  the  original  idea. 
This  is  a  piece  of  strategy  well  known  to  the  forces 
that  invisibly  control  mass-thought.  Theodor  Herzl, 
the  arch-Jew,  a  man  whose  vision  was  wider  than  any 
statesman's  and  whose  program  paralleled  the  Proto- 
cols, knew  this  many  years  ago  when  he  said  that  the 
Zionist  (cryptic  for  "Jewish")  state  would  come  be- 
fore the  Socialist  state  could  come;  he  knew  with 
what  endless  divisions  the  "liberalism"  which  he  and 
his  predecessors  had  planted  would  be  shackled  and 
crippled. 

The  process  of  which  all  Gentiles  have  been  the 
victims,  but  never  the  Jews — never  the  Jews! — is  just 
this — 

First,  to  create  an  ideal  of  "broad-mindedness." 
That  is  the  phrase  which  appears  in  every  Jewish  re- 


"JEWISH"  PLAN  TO   SPLIT  SOCIETY   BY   "IDEAS"       145 

monstrance  against  public  mention  of  the  Jew  and  liis 
alleged  World  Program:  "We  thought  you  were  too 
broad-minded  a  man  to  express  such  thoughts;"  "we 
thought  Mr.  So-and-So  was  too  broad-minded  a  man 
to  suspect  the  Jews  of  this;"  "we  thought  the  daily  or 
weekly  or  monthly  such-and-such  a  paper  was  too 
broad-minded  editorially  to  consider  such  material." 
It  is  a  sort  of  keyword,  indicative  of  the  state  of 
mind  in  which  it  is  desired  that  the  Gentiles  be  kept. 
It  is  a  state  of  flabby  tolerance.  A  state  of  mind  which 
mouths  meaningless  phrases  about  Liberty,  phrases 
which  act  as  an  opiate  on  the  mind  and  conscience  and 
which  allow  all  sorts  of  things  to  be  done  under  cover. 
The  phrase,  the  slogan,  is  a  very  dependable  Jewish 
weapon.  ("In  all  times  people  have  accepted  words 
for  acts." — Protocol  5.)  The  reality  behind  the  phrase 
the  Protocols  frankly  admit  to  be  non-existent. 

Nothing  has  served  to  create  "broad-mindedness," 
a  state  of  mind  whose  breadth  indicates  its  lack  of 
depth,  so  much  as  the  ideas  of  liberalism  which  the 
Jews  are  constantly  teaching  to  Gentiles  and  on  which 
they  never  themselves  act.  We  need  a  new  sort  of 
allegiance  to  the  reality  of  life,  to  the  facts  as  they 
are,  which  will  enable  us  to  stand  up  under  all  cajoling 
to  "broad-mindedness"  and  assert  a  new  intolerance 
of  everything  but  truth.  The  terms  "narrow"  and 
"broad"  as  they  are  used  today  represent  lies.  The 
liberal  man  ought  to  believe  more,  he  ought  to  be  deep 
and  wide  in  his  beliefs  in  order  to  merit  that  name;  but 
as  a  usual  thing  he  believes  nothing.  He  is  not  liberal 
at  all.  When  you  seek  belief,  belief  with  a  founda- 
tion, belief  with  vitality,  you  must  seek  it  among  men 
who  are  sneered  at,  under  this  false  Jewish-promoted 
notion  of  liberaUty,  as  "narrow  men."  Jewish  propa- 
ganda, in  common  with  the  Protocols,  is  against  men 
who  have  dug  down  to  the  rock;  they  want  "broad- 
minded  men"  who  can  easily  be  shifted  about  the 
surface,  and  thus  serve  the  invisible  scheme  in  any 
manner  desired.  This  type  of  men,  on  their  part, 
never  imagine  but  that  their  "broad-mindedness"  is  a 
mark  of  their  superiority  and  independence. 

Now,  see  what  follows.  Men  are  born  believers. 
For  a  time  they  may  believe  in  "broad-mindedness" 
and  under  the  terrific  social  pressure  that  has  been 


146  THE    INTEiviMATlONAL   JEW 

set  up  in  its  favor  they  will  openly  espouse  it.  But 
it  is  too  shallow  to  satisfy  any  growing  roots  of  life. 
They  must  believe,  deeply,  something.  For  proof  of 
this,  notice  the  undeniable  strength  of  the  negative 
beliefs  which  are  held  by  men  who  fancy  that  they 
believe  nothing.  Therefore,  some  who  are  highly  en- 
dowed with  independence  of  spirit,  root  down  into 
those  prohibited  matters  which  at  some  point  touch 
Jewish  concerns — these  are  the  "narrow"  men.  But 
others  find  it  more  convenient  to  cultivate  those  de- 
partments which  promise  a  highway  whereon  there 
shall  be  no  clashes  of  vital  opinion,  no  chance  of  the 
charge  of  "intolerance" ;  in  short  they  transfer  all  their 
contemplative  powers  to  the  active  life,  even  as  it  is 
written  in  the  Protocols — 

"To  divert  Gentile  thought  and  observation,  in- 
terest must  be  deflected  to  industry  and  commerce.** 
It  is  amazing  to  look  around  and  see  the  number  of 
men  who  have  been  actually  browbeaten  into  com- 
mitting their  whole  lives  to  these  secondary  or  even 
tertiary  things,  while  they  look  with  great  timidity 
and  aversion  at  the  vital  things  which  really  rule  the 
world  and  upon  the  issue  of  which  the  world  really 
depends. 

But  it  is  just  this  deflection  to  the  materialistic 
base  that  offers  the  Protocolists,  and  similarly  Jewish 
propagandists,  their  best  hold.  "Broad-mindedness" 
today  consists  in  leaving  vital  matters  severely  alone. 
It  descends  quickly  to  material-mindedness.  Within 
this  lower  sphere  all  the  discord  which  distresses  the 
world  today  is  to  be  found. 

First,  there  is  the  ruin  of  the  upper  circles  of  in- 
dustry and  commerce: 

"To  make  it  'possible  for  liberty  definitely  to 
disintegrate  and  ruin  Gentile  society,  industry  must 
he  placed  on  a  speculative  basis." 
No  one  needs  to  be  told  what  this  means.     It 
means,  as  everything  about  us  shouts,  the  prostitu- 
tion of  service  to  profits  and  the  eventual  disappear- 
ance of  the  profits.     It  means  that  the  high  art  of 
management  degenerates  into  exploitation.     It  means 
reckless  confusion  among  the  managers  and  dangerous 
unrest  among  the  workmen. 


"JEWISH"  PLAN  TO   SPLIT   SOCIETY   BY   "IDEAS"       147 

But  it  means  something  worse:  it  means  the  spht- 
up  of  Gentile  society.  Not  a  division  between  "Cap- 
ital" and  "Labor,"  but  the  division  between  the  Gen- 
tiles at  both  ends  of  the  working  scheme.  Gentile 
managers  and  manufacturers  are  not  the  "capitalists" 
of  the  United  States.  Most  of  them  have  to  go  to  the 
"capitaUsts"  for  the  funds  with  which  they  work — 
and  the  "capitalists"  are  Jewish,  International  Jews. 

But  with  Jewish  capital  at  one  end  of  the  Gentile 
working  scheme  putting  the  screws  on  the  manufac- 
turers, and  with  Jewish  agitators  and  disruptionists 
and  subversives  at  the  other  end  of  the  Gentile  work- 
ing scheme  putting  the  screws  on  the  workmen,  we 
have  a  condition  at  which  the  world-managers  of  the 
Protocol  program  must  be  immensely  satisfied. 

"We  might  fear  the  combined  strength  of  the 
Gentiles  of  vision  with  the  blind  strength  of  the 
masses,  but  ive  have  taken  all  measures  against  such 
a  possible  contingency  by  raising  a  wall  of  mu- 
tual antagonism  between  these  two  forces.  Thus, 
the  blind  force  of  the  masses  remains  our  sup- 
port. We,  and  we  alone,  shall  serve  as  their 
leaders.  Naturally,  we  will  direct  their  energy 
to  achieve  our  end." — Protocol  9. 

The  indication  that  they  are  highly  satisfied  is  that 
they  are  not  only  not  doing  anything  to  relieve  the  sit- 
uation, but  are  apparently  willing  to  have  it  made 
worse,  and  if  it  be  at  all  possible  for  them  to  do  so 
they  would  like  to  see  this  coming  winter,  and  the 
privations  which  are  scheduled  for  it  (unless  Gentile 
flabbiness  before  the  Jewish  power,  high  and  low,  re- 
ceives a  new  backbone),  bring  the  United  States  to 
the  verge  of,  if  not  across  the  very  line  of  Bolshevism. 
They  know  the  whole  method  of  artificial  scarcity 
and  high  prices.  It  was  practiced  in  the  French  Revo- 
lution and  in  Russia.  All  the  signs  of  it  are  in  this 
country  too. 

Industrial  problems  for  their  mental  food  and  light 
amusement  for  their  leisure  hours,  these  are  the  Proto- 
cols' method  with  regard  to  the  Gentile  mind,  and 
under  cover  of  these  the  work  is  to  be  done — the  work 
which  is  best  expressed  by  the  motto,  "Divide  and 
Rule." 


148  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

Read  this: 

"To  divert  over-restless  people  from  discus- 
sing political  questions,  we  shall  now  bring  for- 
ward  new  problems  apparently  connected  with 
them — problems  of  industry." — Protocol  13.    • 
Has  not  everyone  been  struck  by  the  divorcement 
which  exists  in  this  country  between  the  mass-thought 
which  is  almost  exclusively  devoted  to  industrial  ques- 
tions, and  the  party-thought  which  is  endeavoring  to 
keep  the  field  of  pure  politics?     And  is  it  not  a  fact 
that  our  friends,  the  Jews,  are  strongly  entrenched  in 
both  fields — in  politics  to  keep  it  reactionary,  and  in 
industrial  circles  to  keep  it  radical — and  so  widen  the 
split?     And  what  is  this  split  but  a  split  of  the  Gen- 
tiles?— for  society  is  Gentile,  and  the  disruptive  in- 
fluences are  Jewish. 
Read  this: 

^^We  have  included  in  the  constitution  rights 
for  the  people  that  are  fictitious  and  not  actual 
rights.     All  those  so-called  'rights  of  the  people' 
can  only  exist  in  the  abstract  and  can  never  be 
realized  in  practice  *  *  *  The  proletarian  gains 
no  more  from  the  constitution  than  the  miserable 
crumbs  thrown  from  our  table  in  return  for  his 
votes  to  elect  our  agents  and  pass  our  measures. 
Republican  rights  are  a  bitter  irony  to  the  poor 
man,  for  the  pressure  of  daily  labor  prevents 
him  from  using  them,  and  at  the  same  time,  de- 
prives him  of  the  guaranty  of  a  permanent  and 
certain  livelihood  by  making  him  dependent  upon 
sfnA;e5,  organized  either  by  his  employers  or  his 
comrades  J  ^ — Protocol  3. 
This  remark  about  strikes  is  not  at  all  puzzling  to 
anyone  who  has  studied  the  different  types  of  strikes 
in  this  country.     The  number  fomented  from  above 
the  working  class  is  astoundingly  large. 
Read  this  also: 

^^We  will  force  wp  wages  which,  however,  will 
be  of  no  benefit  to  the  workers,  ior  we  will  at  the 
same  time  cause  a  rise  in  the  prices  of  neces- 
sities, pretending  that  this  is  due  to  the  decline 
of  agriculture  and  of  cattle  raising.  We  will 
also  artfully  and  deeply  undermine  the  sources  of 


"JEWISH"  PLAN  TO   SPLIT   SOCIETY  BY   "IDEAS"       149 

-production  by  instilling  in  the  workmen  ideas  oj 
anarchy.'* — Protocol  6. 
And  this: 

"We  will  represent  ourselves  as  the  saviors  of 
the  working  class  who  have  come  to  liberate  them 
from  this  oppression  by  suggesting  that  they  join 
our  army  of  socialists,  anarchists,  communists, 
to  whom  we  always  extend  our  help  under  the 
guise  of  the  fraternal  principles  of  universal  hu- 
man solidarity." — Protocol  3. 
"Broad-mindedness"  again!     In  this  connection  it 
is  always  well  to  remember  the  words  of  Sir  Eustace 
Perc}'-,  heretofore  quoted,  words  which  are  sponsored 
by  Jews  themselves — "Not  because  the  Jew  cares  for 
the  positive  side  of  radical  philosophy,  not  because  he 
desires  to  be  a  partaker  in  Gentile  nationalism  or  Gen- 
tile democracy,  but  because  no  existing  Gentile  sys- 
tem of  government  is  ever  anything  but  distasteful 
to  him." 

Or,  as  the  author  of  "The  Conquering  Jew"  says: 
"He  is  democratic  in  his  sentiments,  but  not  in  his 
•nature.  When  he  proclaims  the  common  brotherhood 
of  man,  he  is  asking  that  the  social  gate  now  closed 
against  him  in  so  many  quarters  shall  be  open  to  him; 
not  because  he  wants  equality,  but  because  he  desires 
to  be  master  in  the  social  world,  as  he  is  showing  him- 
self in  so  many  other  spheres.  Many  an  honorable 
Jew  will,  I  doubt  not,  dispute  the  accuracy  of  this 
distinction;  but  if  he  does  it  will  be  because  he  has 
lived  so  long  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  West  that  he 
is  unconscious  of  what  is  bred  in  the  bone  of  his 
Eastern  race." 

It  is  not  difficult,  therefore,  to  see  the  genealogy 
of  the  Jewish  ideas  of  liberalism  from  their  origin  to 
their  latest  effects  upon  Gentile  life.  The  confusion 
aimed  for  is  here.  There  is  not  a  reader  of  these 
lines  who  has  not  felt  in  his  own  life  the  burden  of 
it.  Bewilderment  characterizes  the  whole  mental  cli- 
mate of  the  people  today.  They  do  not  know  what 
to  believe.  First  one  set  of  facts  is  given  to  them,  then 
another.  First  one  explanation  of  conditions  is  given 
to  them,  and  then  another.  The  fact-shortage  is  acute. 
There  is  a  whole  market-full  of  explanations  that  ex- 
plain nothing,  but  only  deepen  the  confusion.     The 


ISO  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

government  itself  seems  to  be  hampered,  and  whenever 
it  starts  on  a  line  of  investigation  finds  itself  mys- 
teriously tangled  up  so  that  procedure  is  difficult.  This 
governmental  aspect  is  also  set  forth  in  the  Protocols. 
Add  to  this  the  onslaught  on  the  human  tendency 
toward  religion,  which  is  usually  the  last  barrier  to  fall 
before  violence  and  robbery  unashamed  stalk  forth. 
In  order  to  bring  the  condition  about  at  which  this 
World  Program  aims,  the  Fourth  Protocol  says: 

"It  is  for  this  reason  that  we  must  undermine 
faith,  eradicate  from  the  minds  of  the  Gentiles 
the  very  principles  of  God  and  Soul,  and  replace 
these  conceptions  by  mathematical  calculations 
and  material  desires." 

"When  we  deprived  the  masses  of  their  belief 
in  God,  ruling  authority  was  thrown  into  the 
gutter,  where  it  became  public  property,  and  we 
seized  it." — Protocol  5. 

"We  have  taken  good  care  long  ago  to  discredit 
the  Gentile  clergy." — Protocol  17. 

"When  we  become  rulers  we  shall  regard  as 
undesirable  the  existence  of  any  religion  except 
our  own,  proclaiming  One  God  with  Whom  our 
fate  is  tied  as  The  Chosen  People,  and  by  Whom 
our  fate  has  been  made  one  with  the  fate  of  the 
world.  For  this  reason  we  must  destroy  all  other 
religions.  If  thereby  should  emerge  contempo- 
rary atheists,  then,  as  a  transition  step,  this  will 
not  interfere  with  our  aims." — Protocol  14. 
This  will  probably  offer  matter  for  reflection  by 
the  "broad-minded." 

It  is  curious  to  note  how  this  religious  program 
has  worked  out  in  Russia  where  Trotsky  (as  loudly 
heralded  in  the  American  Jewish  press)  is  said  to 
have  no  religion,  and  where  Jewish  commissars  tell 
dying  Russians  who  ask  for  priests,  "We  have  abol- 
ished the  Almighty."  Miss  Katherine  Dokoochief  is 
reported,  under  a  Philadelphia  date,  to  have  told  the 
Near  East  Relief  that  Russian  Christian  churches  have 
been  subjected  to  the  vilest  indignities  by  the  Bol- 
sheviki,  details  of  which  she  gives;  but  "the  synagogues 
remain  untouched,  meeting  with  no  damage." 

All  these  lines  of  attack,  whose  object  is  the  de- 
struction of  the  natural  rallying  points  of  Gentile 


"JEWISH"   PLAN   TO   SPLIT   SOCIETY   BV   "IDEAS"       ISl 

thought,  and  the  substitution  of  other  rallying  points 
of  an  unwholesome  and  destructive  nature,  are  as- 
sisted, as  we  saw  in  the  last  article,  V:)y  the  propaganda 
for  luxury.  Luxury  is  recognizedly  one  of  the  most 
enervating  influences.  Its  course  runs  from  ease, 
through  softness,  to  flabbiness,  to  degeneracy,  mental, 
physical  and  moral.  Its  beginnings  are  attractive,  its 
end  is  lasciviousness  in  some'  form,  testifying  to  the 
complete  breakdown  of  all  the  strong  fiber  of  the  life. 
It  may  make  a  theme  for  a  more  complete  study  some 
day,  this  lure  to  lasciviousness  through  luxury,  and  the 
identity  of  the  forces  that  set  the  lure. 

But  now,  to  conclude  this  general  view  of  the 
method,  rather  this  part  of  the  method,  the  confusion 
itself,  which  all  these  influences  converge  to  produce, 
is  expected  to  produce  another  more  deeply  helpless 
state.    And  that  state  is,  Exhaustion. 

It -needs  no  imagination  to  see  what  this  means. 
Exhaustion  is  today  one  of  the  conditions  that  menace 
the  people.  The  recent  political  conventions  and  their 
effect  upon  the  public  fully  illustrate  it.  Nobody 
seemed  to  care.  Parties  might  make  their  declarations 
and  candidates  their  promises — nobody  cared.  The 
war  and  its  strain  began  the  exhaustion;  the  "peace" 
and  its  confusion  have  about  completed  it.  The  people 
believe  little  and  expect  less.  Confidence  is  gone.  In- 
itiative is  nearly  gone.  The  failure  of  movements 
falsely  heralded  as  "people's  movements"  has  gone  far 
to  make  the  people  think  that  no  people's  movement 
is  possible. 

So  say  the  Protocols: 

"To  wear  everyone  out  by  dissensions,  ani- 
mosities, feuds,  famine,  inoculation  of  diseases, 
want,  until  the  Gentiles  see  no  other  way  of 
escape  except  an  appeal  to  our  money  and  power." 
—Protocol  10. 

"We  will  so  wear  out  and  exhaust  the  Gen- 
tiles by  all  this  that  they  will  be  compelled  to 
offer  us  an  international  authority,  which  by  its 
position  will  enable  us  to  absorb  without  disturb- 
ance all  the  governmental  forces  of  the  world 
and  thus  form  a  super-government. 

"We  must  so  direct  the  education  of  Geotile 
society  that  its  hands  will  drop  in  the  weakness 


152  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

of  discouragement  in  the  face  of  any  under- 
taking where  initiative  is  needed." — Protocol  5. 
The  Jews  have  never  been  worn  out  or  exhausted. 
They  have  never  been  nonplused.  This  is  the  true 
psychic  characteristic  of  those  who  have  a  clue  to  the 
maze.  It  is  the  unknown  that  exhausts  the  mind,  the 
constant  wandering  around  among  tendencies  and  in- 
fluences whose  source  is  not  known  and  whose  pur- 
pose is  not  understood.  Walking  in  the  dark  is  wear- 
ing work.  The  Gentiles  have  been  doing  it  for  cen- 
turies. The  others,  having  a  pretty  accurate  idea  what 
it  was  all  about,  have  not  succumbed.  Even  persecu- 
tion is  endurable  if  it  is  understandable,  and  the  Jews 
of  the  world  have  always  known  just  where  it  fitted 
in  the  scheme  of  things.  Gentiles  have  suffered  more 
from  Jewish  persecutions  than  have  the  Jews,  for  after 
the  persecutions  were  over,  the  Gentile  was  as  much 
in  the  dark  as  ever;  whereas  Judaism  simply  took 
up  again  its  century-long  march  toward  a  goal  in 
which  it  implicitly  beheves,  and  which,  some  say  who 
have  deep  knowledge  of  Jewish  roots  in  the  world  and 
who  too  may  be  touched  with  exhaustion,  they  will 
achieve.  However  this  may  be,  the  revolution  which 
would  be  necessary  to  unfasten  the  International  Jew- 
ish system  from  its  grip  on  the  world,  would  probably 
have  to  be  Just  as  radical  as  any  attempts  the  Jews 
have  made  to  attain  that  grip.  There  are  those  who 
express  serious  doubts  that  the  Gentiles  are  competent 
to  do  it  at  all.  Maybe  not.  Let  them  at  least  know 
who  their  conquerors  are. 


Utae  of  Aa(u9t  M.  1920. 


XIV. 


Did  the  Jews  Foresee  the 
World  War? 

BEFORE  proceeding  to  a  more  detailed  study  of 
the  connection  between  the  written  program  of  the 
documents  which  are  called  "The  Protocols  of  the 
Learned  Elders  of  Zion,"  and  the  actual  program  as 
it  can  be  traced  in  real  life,  we  shall  now  view  those 
plans  which  were  future  when  the  Protocols  were 
uttered.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that 
what  was  future  in  1896  and  1905,  may  be  past  to- 
day, that  what  was  flan  then  may  he  fulfillment  now. 
To  bear  this  in  mind  will  be  in  exact  accord  with  the 
expression  of  Protocol  22 — "I  have  endeavored  to  in- 
dicate carefully  the  secrets  of  past  and  future  events, 
and  of  those  momentous  occurrences  of  the  near  future 
toward  lohich  we  are  rushing  in  a  stream  of  great  crises.'^ 
Some  of  those  "momentous  occurrences"  have  come 
to  pass,  and  with  them  a  brighter  light  on  the  Ques- 
tion which  we  are  studying. 

An  illustration  of  this  which  is  fresh  in  the  minds 
of  all  was  furnished  by  the  Great  War.  Jewish  com- 
ment on  this  series  of  articles  has  made  much  of  the 
fact  that  one  of  the  articles  was  devoted  to  the  then 
prominence  of  the  Jewish  Question  in  Germany,  and 
it  was  sought  to  mislead  the  people  to  think  that  this 
series  was  really  a  part  of  subtle  German  after-the- 
war  propaganda.  The  fact  is  that  articles  on  the 
Question  in  a  number  of  countries  were  set  aside  in 
order  to  bring  the  Question  itself  prominently  before 
the  minds  of  Americans  with  the  least  delay.  The 
postponed  articles  will  appear  in  due  season,  though 
out  of  their  order.  Germany  is  today,  with  perhaps 
the  possible  exception  of  the  United  States,  the  most 
Jew-controlled  country  in  the  world — controlled  with- 
in and  from  without — and  a  much  stronger  set  of  facts 
could  be  presented  now  than  was  presented  in  the 
original  article  (the  facts  of  which  were  at  first  denied 
and  later  admitted  by  the  Jewish  spokesmen  in  the 
United  States).     For,  since  that  article  was  written, 


1154  ^        '^     THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

public  sentiment  in  Germany  has  swept  the  Jews  large- 
lly  out  of  public  office.  German  public  opinion  exert- 
ed itself  to  the  utmost  to  put  German  political  admin- 
iistration  back  into  German  hands.  But  did  that  lib- 
cerate  Germany  from  the  Jews?  Not  at  all.  For  their 
(entrenchments  stretched  further  and  deeper  than  mere 
display  of  official  power.  Their  hold  on  the  basic  in- 
dustries, the  finances,  the  future  of  Germany  has  not 
been  loosened  in  the  least.  It  is  there,  unmovable. 
In  what  that  hold  consists,  the  reader  will  be  told  at 
isome  convenient  time. 

Germany  is  mentioned  now,  in  connection  with  the 
Jews,  for  this  purpose:  It  will  be  remembered  that  it 
was  from  Germany  that  the  first  cry  of  "annexations" 
came,  and  it  came  at  a  time  when  all  German  war  ac- 
tivities and  war  sentiment  were  admittedly  in  Jewish 
control.  "Annexations"  was  the  cry  that  flashed 
across  the  world  one  day.  And  back  across  the  world, 
from  the  United  States,  a  nation  that  was  not  even  a 
party  to  the  war  at  that  time,  the  word  flashed  back, 
"No  Annexations."  Thus  by  a  dramatic  play  the 
whole  question  was  thrust  before  the  world. 

Soon  the  people  of  all  countries  had  forgotten  the 
blood  of  battle,  the  war  profiteers  and  every  other 
vital  point,  and  were  discussing  a  matter  which  be- 
longed to  the  end  of  the  war  and  not  the  beginning, 
the  question  of  "annexations."  Now,  when  it  is 
known  who  were  controlling  the  formulation  of  war- 
aims  in  Germany  and  who  were  the  chief  counselors 
■of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United  States  at  the  same 
time,  the  projection  of  this  question  of  "annexations" 
into  the  world's  mind  becomes  interesting;  interest- 
ing but  not  wholly  intelligible. 

Not  until  you  read  the  Protocols  do  you  get  a  full 
light  on  this — and  this  report  of  the  Protocols  which 
is  now  given  the  world  probably  dates  from  1896: 
There  is  absolutely  ironclad  proof  of  the  date  1905. 

The  Second  Protocol  begins  on  the  note  of  war, 
and  its  opening  words  are  these: 

"It  is  indispensable  for  our  purpose  that,  as 
far  as  possible,  wars  should  bring  no  territorial 
advantages.  This  will  shift  war  to  an  economic 
footing,  and  nations  will  perceive  the  strength 
of  our  superiority  in  the  aid  we  render." 


DID  THE  JEWS   FORESEE  THE   WORLl^    WAR?  155 

Who  was  thinking,  between  1896  and  1905,  of  the 
new  "no  annexations"  rule  to  be  applwed  to  war? 
Were  you?  Do  you  know  of  any  statesnii  .n  who  was? 
We  know  that  military  men  were  concerm  d  about  the 
appliances  and  operations  of  any  future  wa  r  that  might 
occur.  We  know  that  statesmen,  of  the  more  respon- 
sible sort,  were  working  to  consolidate  a  balance  of 
interests  that  would  make  war  extremely  improbable. 
Who  had  outdistanced  them  all  in  foresil^ht  and  plan- 
*  ning  sufficiently  to  lay  down  a  definite  pjP(*gram  of  "no 
annexations?" 

Fortunately  the  clue  to  the  answer  i«  supplied  to 
us  by  unquestionable  Jewish  sources.     'Ttie  American 
Jewish  News,  of  September  19,  1919,  had  nn  advertise- 
ment on  its  front  page  which  read  thiffis: 
"WHEN  PROPHETS  SPEAF. 
By  Litman  Rosenthal 
Many  years  ago  Nordau  prophesied  the  Balfour 
Declaration.    Litman  Rosenthal,  his;  intimate 
friend,   relates  this  incident  in    a  fas- 
cinating memoir." 

The  article,  on  page  464,  begins:  "J?ft-  was  on  Sat- 
urday, the  day  after  the  closing  of  the  S  I3dth  Congress, 
when  I  received  a  telephone  message  h%]isn  Dr.  Herzl 
asking  me  to  call  on  him." 

This  fixes  the  time.  The  Sixth  Zicwnnist  Congress 
was  held  at  Basle  in  August,  1903. 

The  memoir  continues:  "On  entering;  the  lobby  of 
the  hotel  I  met  Herzl's  mother  who  wetlcomed  me 
with  her  usual  gracious  friendliness,  awd  asked  me 
whether  the  feelings  of  the  Russian  ZioniMs?  were  now 
calmer. 

"  'Why  just  the  Russian  Zionists,  F  ra«i  Herzl?'  I 
asked.     'Why  do  you  only  inquire  abou.t  these?' 

"  'Because  my  son,'  she  explained,  'is  mostly  inter- 
ested in  the  Russian  Zionists.  He  consi  flers  them  the 
quintessence,  the  most  vital  part  of  thth  Jewish  peo- 
ple.' " 

At  this  Sixth  Congress  the  British.  Government 
("Herzl  and  his  agents  had  kept  in  coi  ttact  with  the 
EngUsh  Government" — Jewish  Encyclo  f>e«]lia.  Vol.  12, 
page  678)  had  offered  the  Jews  a  coloiay  in  Uganda, 
East  Africa.  Herzl  was  in  favor  of  talking  it,  not  as 
a  substitute  for  Palestine,  but  as  a  step  toward  it. 


156  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

It  was  this  which  formed  the  chief  topic  of  conver- 
sation between  Herzl  and  Litman  Rosenthal  in  that 
Basle  hotel.  Herzl  said  to  Rosenthal,  as  reported  in 
this  article:  "There  is  a  difference  between  the  final 
aim  and  the  ways  we  have  to  go  to  achieve  this  aim." 

Suddenly  Max  Nordau,  who  seems  at  the  confer- 
ence held  last  month  in  London  to  have  become  Herzl's 
successor,  entered  the  room,  and  the  Rosenthal  inter- 
view was  ended. 

Let  the  reader  now  follow  attentively  the  impor- 
tant part  of  this  Rosenthal  story : — (the  italics  are  ours) 

"About  a  month  later  I  went  on  a  business  trip 
to  France.  On  my  way  to  Lyons  I  stopped  in  Paris 
and  there  I  visited,  as  usual,  our  Zionist  friends.  One 
of  them  told  me  that  this  very  same  evening  Dr.  Nor- 
dau was  scheduled  to  speak  about  the^ixth  Congress, 
and  I,  naturally,  interrupted  my  journey  to  be  pres- 
ent at  this  meeting  and  to  hear  Dr.  Nordau's  report. 
When  we  reached  the  hall  in  the  evening  we  found  it 
filled  to  overflowing  and  all  were  waiting  impatiently 
for  the  great  master,  Nordau,  who,  on  entering,  received 
a  tremendous  ovation.  But  Nordau,  without  paying 
heed  to  the  applause  showered  upon  him,  began  his 
speech  immediately,  and  said: 

"  'You  all  came  here  with  a  question  burning  in 
your  hearts  and  trembling  on  your  lips,  and  the  ques- 
tion is,  indeed,  a  great  one,  and  of  vital  importance. 
I  am  willing  to  answer  it.  What  you  want  to  ask  is: 
How  could  I — I  who  was  one  of  those  who  formulated 
the  Basle  program — how  could  I  dare  to  speak  in  favor 
of  the  English  proposition  concerning  Uganda,  how 
could  Herzl  as  well  as  I  betray  our  ideal  of  Palestine, 
because  you  surely  think  that  we  have  betrayed  it  and 
forgotten  it.  Yet  listen  to  what  I  have  to  say  to  you. 
I  spoke  in  favor  of  Uganda  after  long  and  careful  con- 
sideration; deliberately  I  advised  the  Congress  to  con- 
sider and  to  accept  the  proposal  of  the  English  Gov- 
ernment, a  proposal  made  to  the  Jewish  nation  through 
the  Zionist  Congress,  and  my  reasons — but  instead  of 
my  reasons  let  me  tell  you  a  political  story  as  a  kind 
of  allegory. 

"  'I  want  to  speak  of  a  time  which  is  now  almost 
forgotten,  a  time  when  the  European  powers  had  de- 
cided to  send  a  fleet  against  the  fortress  of  Sebastopol. 
At  this  time  Italy,  the  United  Kingdom  of  Italy,  did 


DID  THE  JEWS   FORESEE  THE  WORLD  WAR?  157 

not  exist.  Italy  was  in  reality  only  a  little  principality 
of  Sardinia,  and  the  great,  free  and  united  Italy  was 
but  a  dream,  a  fervent  wish,  a  far  ideal  of  all  Italian 
patriots.  The  leaders  of  Sardinia,  who  were  fighting 
for  and  planning  this  free  and  united  Italy,  were  the 
three  great  popular  heroes:  Garibaldi,  Mazzini,  and 
Cavour. 

"  'The  European  powers  invited  Sardinia  to  join  in 
the  demonstration  at  Sebastopol  and  to  send  also  a 
fleet  to  help  in  the  siege  of  this  fortress,  and  this  pro- 
posal gave  rise  to  a  dissension  among  the  leaders  of 
Sardinia.  Garibaldi  and  Mazzini  did  not  want  to  send 
a  fleet  to  the  help  of  England  and  France  and  they 
said:  "Our  program,  the  work  to  which  we  are  pledged, 
is  a  free  and  united  Italy.  What  have  we  to  do  with 
Sebastopol?  Sebastopol  is  nothing  to  us,  and  we 
should  concentrate  all  our  energies  on  our  original 
program  so  that  we  may  realize  our  ideal  as  soon  as 
possible." 

"  'But  Cavour,  who  even  at  this  time  was  the  most 
prominent,  the  most  able,  and  the  most  far-sighted 
statesman  of  Sardinia,  insisted  that  his  country  should 
send  a  fleet  and  beleaguer  with  the  other  powers  Se- 
bastopol, and,  at  last,  he  carried  his  point.  Perhaps 
it  will  interest  you  to  know  that  the  right  hand  of  Ca- 
vour, his  friend  and  adviser,  ivas  his  secretary,  Hartum, 
a  Jew,  and  in  those  circles,  which  were  in  opposition 
to  the  government,  one  spoke  fulminantly  of  Jewish 
treason.  And  once  at  an  assembly  of  Italian  patriots 
one  called  wildlj^  for  Cavour's  secretary,  Hartum,  and 
demanded  of  him  to  defend  his  dangerous  and  treason- 
able political  actions.  And  this  is  what  he  said:  "Our 
dream,  our  fight,  our  ideal,  an  ideal  for  which  we  have 
paid  already  in  blood  and  tears,  in  sorrow  and  despair, 
with  the  life  of  our  sons  and  the  anguish  of  our 
mothers,  our  one  wish  and  one  aim  is  a  free  and 
united  Italy.  All  means  are  sacred  if  they  lead  to  this 
great  and  glorious  goal.  Cavour  knows  full  well  that 
after  the  fight  before  Sel^astopol  sooner  or  later  a  peace 
conference  will  have  to  he  held,  and  at  this  peace  con- 
ference those  powers  will  participate  icho  have  joined 
in  the  fight.  True,  Sardinia  has  no  immediate  con- 
cern, no  direct  interest  at  Sebastopol,  but  if  we  will 
help  now  with  our  fleet,  we  will  sit  at  the  future  peace 
coriference    enjoying  equal  rights  with  the  other  powers, 


158  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

and  at  this  peace  conference  Cavour,  as  the  represen- 
tative of  Sardinia,  will  proclaim  the  free  and  inde- 
pendent, united  Italy.  Thus  our  dream  for  which  we 
have  suffered  and  died,  will  become,  at  last,  a  wonder- 
ful and  happy  reality.  And  if  you  now  ask  me  again, 
what  has  Sardinia  to  do  at  Sebastopol,  then  let  me 
tell  you  the  following  words,  like  the  steps  of  a  ladder: 
Cavour,  Sardinia,  the  siege  of  Sebastopol,  the  future 
European  peace  conference,  the  proclamation  of  a  free 
and  united  Italy."  ' 

"The  whole  assembly  was  under  the  spell  of  Nor- 
dau's  beautiful,  truly  poetic  and  exalted  diction,  and 
his  exquisite,  musical  French  delighted  the  hearers 
with  an  almost  sensual  pleasure.  For  a  few  seconds 
the  speaker  paused,  and  the  public,  absolutely  intoxi- 
cated by  his  splendid  oratory,  applauded  frantically. 
But  soon  Nordau  aisked  for  silence  and  continued: 

"  'Now  this  great  progressive  world  power,  Eng- 
land, has  after  the  pogroms  of  Kishineff,  in  token  of 
her  sympathy  with  our  poor  people,  offered  through 
the  Zionist  Congress  the  autonomous  colony  of  Uganda 
to  the  Jewish  nation.  Of  course,  Uganda  is  in  Africa, 
and  Africa  is  not  Zion  and  never  will  be  Zion,  to  quote 
Herzl's  own  words.  But  Herzl  knows  full  well  that 
nothing  is  so  valuable  to  the  cause  of  Zionism  as  ami- 
cable political  relations  with  such  a  power  as  England 
is,  and  so  much  more  valuable  as  England's  main 
interest  is  concentrated  in  the  Orient.  Nowhere  else 
is  precedent  as  powerful  as  in  England,  and  so  it  is 
most  important  to  accept  a  colony  out  of  the  hands 
of  England  and  create  thus  a  precedent  in  our  favor. 
Sooner  or  later  the  Oriental  question  will  have  to  be 
solved,  and  the  Oriental  question  means,  naturally, 
also  the  question  of  Palestine.  England,  who  had 
addressed  a  formal,  political  note  to  the  Zionist  Con- 
gress— the  Zionist  Congress  which  is  pledged  to  the 
Basle  program,  England  will  have  the  deciding  voice 
in  the  final  solution  of  the  Oriental  question,  and  Herzl 
has  considered  it  his  duty  to  maintain  valuable  rela- 
tions with  this  great  and  progressive  power.  Herzl 
knows  that  we  stand  before  a  tremendous  upJfeaval  of  the 
whole  world.  Soon,  perhaps,  some  kind  of  a  world- 
congress  will  have  to  be  called,  and  England,  the  great, 
free  and  powerful  England,  will  then  continue  the  work 
it  has  begun  with  its  generous  offer  to  the  Sixth  Con- 


DID  THE  JEWS   FORESEE  THE   WORLD  WAR?  159 

gress.  And  if  you  ask  me  now  what  has  Israel  to  do 
in  Uganda,  then  let  me  tell  you  as  the  answer  the 
words  of  the  statesmen  of  Sardinia,  only  applied  to 
our  case  and  given  in  our  version;  let  me  tell  you  the 
following  words  as  if  I  were  showing  you  the  rungs  of 
a  ladder  leading  upward  and  upward:  Herzl,  the  Zion- 
istic  Congress,  the  Enghsh  Uganda  proposition,  the  fu- 
ture ivorld  war,  the  peace  conference  where  with  the 
help  of  England  a  free  and  Jewish  Palestine  will  be 
created.' 

"Like  a  mighty  thunder  these  last  words  came  to 
us,  and  we  all  were  trembling  and  awestruck  as  if  we 
had  seen  a  vision  of  old.  And  in  my  ears  were  sound- 
ing the  words  of  our  great  brother  Achad  Haam,  who 
said  of  Nordau's  address  at  the  First  Congress: 

"  'I  felt  that  one  of  the  great  old  prophets  was 
speaking  to  us,  that  his  voice  came  down  from  the  free 
hills  of  Judea,  and  our  hearts  were  burning  in  us  when 
we  heard  his  words,  filled  with  wonder,  wisdom  and 
vision.'  " 

The  amazing  thing  is  that  this  article  by  Litman 
Rosenthal  should  ever  have  been  permitted  to  see 
print.  But  it  did  not  see  print  until  the  Balfour  Dec- 
laration about  Palestine,  and  it  never  would  have 
seen  print  had  not  the  Jews  believed  that  one  part  of 
their  program  had  been  accomplished. 

The  Jew  never  betraj^s  himself  until  he  believes 
that  what  he  seeks  has  been  won,  then  he  lets  himself 
go.  It  was  only  to  Jews  that  the  1903  "program  of 
the>  Ladder" — the  fiiture  world  war — the  peace  confer- 
ence— the  Jewish  program — was  communicated.  When 
the  ascent  of  that  ladder  seemed  to  be  complete,  then 
came  the  public  talk. 

A  similar  illustration  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  the 
fall  of  the  Czar.  When  that  event  transpired  it  was 
an  occasion  of  great  rejoicing  in  New  York,  and  a 
Gentile  of  world-wide  fame  made  a  speech  in  which 
he  lauded  an  American  Jew  of  national  reputation  for 
having  begun  the  downfall  of  the  Czar  by  providing 
the  money  with  which  propaganda  had  been  made 
among  Russian  prisoners  in  Japan  during  the  Russo- 
Japanese  war.  The  story  came  out  only  after  the  suc- 
cess of  the  plot.  It  is  not  at  all  out  of  keeping  that 
the  last  men  to  see  the  last  act  of  the  plot  carried  out, 
the  actual  murder  of  Nicholas  Romanovitch,  his  wife» 


160  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

his  young  daughters  and  his  invahd  boy,  were  "five 
Soviet  deputies,  the  latter  five  all  Jews."  What  be- 
gan with  the  assistance  of  an  American  financier, 
finished  with  Soviet  deputies. 

Did  International  Jews  in  1903  foresee  the  war? 
This  Rosenthal  confession  is  but  one  bit  of  evidence 
that  they  did.  And  did  they  do  nothing  but  foresee 
it?  It  were  well  if  the  facts  stopped  at  foresight  and 
did  not  run  on  to  provocation. 

For  the  present  the  reader  is  invited  to  retain  in 
his  mind  two  points  in  this  Rosenthal  article:  "Per- 
haps it  will  interest  you  to  know  that  the  right  hand 
of  Cavour,  his  friend  and  adviser,  was  his  secretary, 
Hartura,  a  Jew."  This  is  the  way  the  Jewish  press 
speaks  of  its  own.  If  this  paper,  or  a  Chicago  paper, 
or  a  New  York  paper  should  go  through  the  list  of  the 
secretaries  of  the  men  of  power  in  the  world  today 
and  make  the  note  after  the  names — "His  secretary, 
a  Jew,"  the  Jewish  Anti-Defamation  Society  would 
send  letters  of  protest.  There  is  one  rule  for  the  Gen- 
tile and  one  for  the  Jew,  in  the  Jewish  mind.  Writing 
in  the  public  prints  about  Hartum,  he  would  be  de- 
scribed as  an  "Itahan." 

Were  the  Jewish  secretaries  who  abounded  before 
the  war,  during  the  war  and  throughout  the  Peace 
Conference  of  less  brilliance  than  Hartum?  Were 
there  not  Hartums  in  England,  France,  Germany,  yes 
and  in  Russia  too  (in  the  United  States  there  were 
many)  who  saw  the  "program  of  the  Ladder"?  Did 
Max  Nordau  who  saw  it  so  clearly  in  1903  forget  it 
in  1914  and  1918? 

We  know  this:  the  Jews  in  their  Congress  at  Basle 
in  1903  foresaw  "the  future  world  war."  How  did 
they  know  it  was  to  be  a  ''world  war"? 

We  know  this  also :  the  Protocols,  perhaps  as  early 
as  1896,  certainly  not  later  than  1905,  foresaw  the 
pohcy  of  "no  annexations." 

The  World  War  came  to  -pass. 

"No  annexations"  came  to  pass.  What  was  then 
future  in  the  Jewish  world  program,  is  now  past. 

In  the  Protocols  there  are  two  forms  of  declara- 
tion. One  is,  "we  have."  The  other  is,  "we  shall." 
If  somewhere  in  the  world  this  summer  the  high  secret 
spokesman  of  the  World  Program  is  addressing  his 
class  of  International  Initiates,  he  will  have  to  say 


DID   THE  JEWS    FORESEE  THE   WOULD  WAR?  161 

"we  have"  in  many  places  where  the  spokesman  of 
1896  said"we  shall."    Things  have  been  accomplished. 

"We  will  represent  ourselves  as  the  saviors  of  the 
laboring  classes."     That  has  been  and  is  being  done. 
"We  will  deflect  the  thoughts  of  the  Gentiles  to  in- 
dustry and  commerce."     That  has  been  done.     "We 
will  create  a  strongly  centralized  administration  so  as 
to  grasp  all  the  social  forces  strongly  in. our  hands." 
That  has  been  done.     "We  will  adopt  for  ourselves 
the  liberal  side  of  all  parties  and  all  movements  and 
provide  orators."     That  has  been  done.     "We  will 
force  up  wages."     That  has  been  done.     "We  will  at 
the  same  time  cause  a  rise  in  the  price  of  prime  neces- 
sities."    That  has  been  done.     "We  will  also  under- 
mine the  sources  of  production  by  instilling  in  the 
workmen  ideas  of  anarchy."     That  has  been  done. 
"To  demonstrate  our  enslavement  of  the  Gen- 
tile governments   of  Europe,   we   shall   show   our 
power  to  one  by  crimes  of  violence,  that  is,  by  a 
reign  of  terror." — Protocol  7. 

Who  that  sees  Russia  and  beholds  the  attitude  of 
the  premiers  of  England,  France  and  Italy  toward  the 
Soviets,  the  "enslavement"  of  statesmanship  by  a  con- 
dition that  tangles  more  gnarledly  the  more  it  is  dealt 
with — who  that  sees  the  prostration  of  Europe  before 
a  wound  that  is  deliberately  kept  from  healing,  can 
forbear  to  say:  That  too  has  been  done! 

"Our  plans  will  not  upset  contemporary  institu- 
tions immediately.  Their  management  will  only  be 
altered  and  consequently  the  whole  procedure  of  their 
activity  will  thus  be  directed  according  to  plans  laid 
down  by  us."     That  has  been  done. 

"We  shall  saddle  the  press  and  keep  a  tight  rein 
upon  it."  That  has  been  done.  The  rein  is  being 
strongly  pulled  in  the  United  States  at  this  moment, 
as  many  an  editor  can  testify. 

"Even  if  there  should  be  those  who  desire  to  write 
against  us,  no  one  will  print  their  writings."  In  large 
part,  that  has  been  done.  It  has  been  done  complete- 
ly with  the  profit-making  press. 

"We  shall,  as  an  incentive  to  speculation,  encour- 
age among  the  Gentiles  a  strong  demand  for  luxuries — 
all-enticing  luxuries."     That  has  been  done. 

"To  each  act  of  opposition  we  must  be  in  a  posi- 
tion to  respond  by  bringing  on  war  through  the  neigh- 


162  THE   INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

bors  of  any  country  that  aares  to  oppose  us,  and  if 
these  neighbors  should  plan  to  stand  collectively 
against  us,  we  must  let  loose  a  world  war."  (Proto- 
col 7).  The  term  "world  war"  is  the  same  as  that 
used  by  Rosenthal  and  Nordau.  "Herzl  knows,"  said 
Nordau  in  1903,  "that  we  stand  before  a  tremendous 
upheaval  of  the  whole  world." 

"We  must  create  unrest,  dissension  and  mutual 
animosities  throughout  Europe  and,  with  the  help  of 
her  relationships,  on  other  continents. ' '  This  has  been 
done.  This  passage  continues:  "There  is  a  double 
advantage  in  this.  First,  we  shall  command  the  re- 
spect of  all  countries  by  this  method,  for  they  will  real- 
ize that  we  have  the  power  to  create  disorder  or  estab- 
lish order  at  will."     This  too  has  been  done. 

Truly  did  the  spokesman  of  1896  speak  of  "those 
momentous  occurrences  of  the  near  future  toward 
which  we  are  rushing  in  a  stream  of  great  crises." 

Not  only  was  "no  annexations"  achieved  "as  far 
as  possible,"  just  as  the  Protocols  outlined  it,  but  a 
host  of  other  plans  have  matured  in  achievement 
along  with  it.  "No  annexations"  as  a  matter  of  po- 
litical morality  is  one  thing;  and  "no  annexations"  for 
the  reason  that  "this  will  shift  war  to  an  economic 
footing  and  nations  will  perceive  the  strength  of  our 
superiority  in  the  aid  we  render"  is  quite  another 
thing.  The  world  was  with  the  "no  annexations"  pro- 
gram as  a  matter  of  political  morality;  the  other  pro- 
gram, which  used  this  morality  as  its  vehicle,  was  hid- 
den. 

There  are  still  other  matters  in  this  group  which 
must  receive  attention,  but  another  article  will  be  nec- 
essary to  do  it.  In  the  meantime,  it  is  natural  to 
wonder  whether,  with  the  program  as  outlined  in  this 
report  of  the  Protocols  having  received  fulfillment  in 
so  many  particulars,  a  new  Protocol,  or  a  further  un- 
folding of  the  Ladder  has  been  made  by  the  Wise  Men 
to  their  Initiates;  and  whether  any  additional  unveil- 
ing will  ever  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  world.  It 
would  seem  that  a  proper  estimate  of  the  knowledge 
now  available  would  lead  to  such  an  awakening  as  to 
nullify  the  present  program  and  make  all  future  ones 
impossible.  But  Gentiles  like  their  ease,  and  Judah 
is  beckoned  on  by  a  bright  star. 

Issue  of  August  21,  1920. 


XV. 


Is  the  Jewish  "Kahal"  the  Modern 
"Soviet"? 


THE  Soviet  is  not  a  Russian  but  a  Jewish  institu- 
tion. Nor  is  it  the  invention  of  Russian  Jews  of 
the  present  time,  a  new  poUtical  device  which  has  been 
set  up  as  a  vehicle  of  the  ideas  of  Lenin  and  Trotsky; 
it  is  of  ancient  Jewish  origin,  a  device  which  the  Jews 
themselves  invented  to  maintain  their  distinctive  ra- 
cial and  national  life  after  the  conquest  of  Palestine 
by  the  Romans. 

Modern  Bolshevism,  which  is  now  known  to  be 
merely  the  outer  cloak  of  a  long-planned  coup  to  es- 
tabhsh  the  domination  of  a  race,  immediately  set  up 
the  Soviet  form  of  government  because  the  Jews  of 
all  countries  who  contributed  to  Russian  Bolshevism 
had  long  been  schooled  in  the  nature  and  structure 
of  the  Soviet. 

The  Soviet  appears  in  the  "Protocols  of  the  Learned 
Elders  of  Zion"  under  the  ancient  name  of  KAHAL. 
In  the  Seventeenth  Protocol  this  passage  occurs: 
"Even  now  our  brothers  are  under  obligation 
to  denounce  apostates  of  their  own  family  or  any 
person  known  to  be  opposed  to  the  Kahal.    When 
our  kingdom  comes,  it  will  be  necessary  for  all 
subjects  to  serve  the  state  in  a  similar  manner." 
Anyone  who  is  acquainted  with  contemporary  Jew- 
ish life  knows  what  this  denunciation  of  apostates 
means.     The  bitterness  of  the  persecution,  which  falls 
upon  a  convert  to  Christianity,  or  upon  the  Jewish 
son  or  daughter  of  an  orthodox  family  who  chooses 
to  marry  a  Gentile,  is  without  parallel  among  men. 
Very  recently  in  a  western  state  a  fine  Jewish  girl  chose 
to  marry  a  Gentile,  who  was  a  newspaperman.     From 
the  time  of  her  announcement  of  intention,  the  girl  was 
treated  as  an  apostate.     Had  she  died  a  most  wretch- 
ed death,  had  she  descended  to  a  status  of  most  ig- 
nominious shame,  the  feelings  which  her  fate  would 
have  aroused  could  not  have  been  more  terrible.     A 


164  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

darkly  solemn  funeral  service  was  held  for  her,  and 
on  her  bridal  day  she  was  declared  to  be  dead  to  her 
people. 

The  case  is  very  far  from  being  unusual.  Perhaps 
one  of  the  most  moving  descriptions  of  it  is  to  be 
found  in  the  life  of  Spinoza,  the  great  philosopher 
whom  modern  Jews  are  fond  of  holding  up  for  exhi- 
bition as  a  great  ornament  of  their  people.  Spinoza's 
studies  led  him  to  question  many  of  the  dogmas  the 
rabbis  taught,  those  "commandments  of  men"  of 
which  the  New  Testament  speaks,  and  as  Spinoza 
was  already  a  person  of  influence  the  very  common 
Jewish  tactic  of  bribery  was  tried  upon  him. 

There  would  be  some  hesitation  in  using  the  words 
just  set  down— "the  very  common  Jewish  tactic  of 
bribery" — if  they  were  not  known  to  be  true.  There 
is  no  desire  to  cast  aspersions  which  grow  out  of 
malice.  But  Jewish  history  as  written  by  Jews  pro- 
vides mountains  of  proof  that  bribery  was,  while  pres- 
ent knowledge  amply  testifies  that  it  still  is,  the  favor- 
ite and  most  dependable  weapon  of  the  Jews.  A 
Jewish  writer,  Jacob  Israel  De  Haan,  a  Dutch  lawyer 
resident  in  Jerusa4em,  has  recently  stated  that  one 
hope  of  a  settlement  of  the  Arab  agitation  in  Pales- 
tine is  the  ease  with  which  the  Arab  press  can  be 
bribed.  His  words  are:  "There  is  a  strong  agitation 
here  among  the  Arabs  against  what  they  call  the  Zion- 
ist peril.  But  the  Arabs,  especially  the  Arabian 
papers,  are  open  to  bribe.  This  weakness  will  cause 
them,  in  the  long  run,  to  lose  out  against  us." 

So,  young  Spinoza  was  offered  an  annual  stipend 
of  1,000  florins  if  he  would  be  silent  upon  his  convic- 
tions and  from  time  to  time  show  himself  at  the  syna- 
gogue. This  he  refused  with  high-minded  scorn.  He 
made  ready  to  earn  his  bread  by  polishing  lenses  for 
optical  instruments.  Upon  this,  he  was  excommuni- 
cated, a  proceeding  which  is  thus  described: 

"The  day  of  excommunication  at  length  arrived, 
and  a  vast  concourse  assembled  to  witness  the  awful 
ceremony.  It  began  by  the  silent  and  solemn  light- 
ing of  a  quantity  of  black  wax  candles,  and  by  open- 
ing the  tabernacle  wherein  were  deposited  the  books 
of  the  Law  of  Moses.  Thus  were  the  imaginations  of 
the  faithful  prepared  for  all  the  horror  of  the  scene. 


IS  THE  JEWISH  "KAHAL"  THE  MODERN  "SOVIET"?     165 

The  chief  rabbi,  the  ancient  friend  and  master,  now 
the  fiercest  enemy,  of  the  condemned,  was  to  order 
the  execution.  He  stood  there  pained,  but  impla- 
cable; the  people  fixed  their  eager  eyes  upon  him.  High 
above,  the  chanter  rose  and  chanted  forth  in  loud 
lugubrious  tones  the  words  of  execration;  while  from 
the  opposite  side  another  mingled  with  these  curses 
the  thrilling  sounds  of  the  trumpet.  And  now  the 
black  candles  were  reversed,  and  were  made  to  melt 
drop  by  drop  into  a  huge  tub  filled  with  blood." 
(Lewes:  Biographical  History  of  Philosophy.) 

Then  came  the  final  anathema.  "  'With  the  judg- 
ment of  the  angels  and  of  the  saints,  we  excommuni- 
cate, cut  off,  curse  and  anathematize  Baruch  de 
Espinoza,  with  the  consent  of  the  elders  and  all  this 
holy  congregation,  in  the  presence  of  the  holy  books: 
by  the  613  precepts  which  are  written  therein,  with 
the  anathema  wherewith  Joshua  cursed  Jericho,  with 
the  curse  which  Elisha  laid  upon  the  children,  and 
with  all  the  curses  which  are  written  in  the  law. 
Cursed  be  he  by  day,  and  cursed  be  he  by  night. 
Cursed  be  he  in  sleeping,  and  cursed  be  he  in  wak- 
ing cursed  in  going  out,  and  cursed  in  coming  in. 
The  Lord  shall  not  pardon  him,  the  wrath  and  the 
fury  of  the  Lord  shall  henceforth  be  kindled  against 
this  man,  and  shall  lay  upon  him  all  the  curses  writ- 
ten in  the  Book  of  the  Law.  The  Lord  shall  destroy 
his  name  under  the  sun,  and  cut  him  off  for  his  un- 
doing from  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  with  all  the  curses 
of  the  firmament  which  are  written  in  the  Law  *  *  * 
And  we  warn  you  that  none  may  speak  with  him 
by  word  of  mouth  nor  by  writing,  nor  show  any  fa- 
vor unto  him,  nor  be  under  one  roof  with  him,  nor 
come  within  four  cubits  of  him,  nor  read  any  paper 
composed  by  him.'  "     (Pollock:  Life  of  Spinoza.) 

"As  the  blasting  words  were  uttered,  the  lights 
were  all  suddenly  immersed  in  the  blood,  a  cry  of  re- 
ligious horror  and  execration  burst  from  all;  and  in 
that  solemn  darkness,  and  to  those  solemn  curses, 
they  shouted  Amen,  Amen!"  (Professor  J.  K.  Hos- 
mer:  The  Jews.) 

That  is  a  commentary  on  the  decree  of  denuncia- 
tion. It  also  throws  a  very  strong  light  on  the  pres- 
sure which  is  brought  against  many  Jews  who  would 


166  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

cry  out  against  the  anti-social  ideas  o£  their  people, 
but  who  dare  not  because  of  the  penalties  it  would 
bring. 

This  denunciation,  as  Protocol  Seventeen  orders, 
is  to  be  made  against  anyone  who  is  "known  to  be 
opposed  to  the  Kahal"  or  ancient  Soviet  system  of 
the  Jews. 

After  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  state  by  the 
Romans,  the  Jews  maintained  a  center  in  the  Patri- 
arch; and  after  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews  out  of  Pal- 
estine this  center  of  nationality  was  preserved  in  the 
Prince  of  the  Exile,  or  Exilarch,  an  office  which  is  be- 
lieved to  persist  to  the  present  time,  and  which  some 
believe  to  be  held  now  by  an  American  Jew.  In  spite 
of  all  assertions  to  the  contrary,  the  Jews  have  never 
ceased  to  be  "a  people";  that  is,  a  consciously  united 
racial  group,  different  from  all  others,  and  with  pur- 
poses and  ideals  which  are  strictly  of  the  Jews,  by 
the  Jews  and  for  the  Jews  in  distinction  from  the  rest 
of  the  world.  That  they  constitute  a  nation  within 
the  nations,  the  most  responsible  Jewish  thinkers  not 
only  declare  but  insist  upon.  And  this  is  wholly  jn 
accord  with  the  facts  as  observed.  The  Jew  not  only 
desires  to  live  apart  from  other  people,  but  he  works 
with  his  own  people  as  against  others,  and  he  desires 
as  much  as  possible  to  live  under  his  own  laws.  In 
the  city  of  New  York  today,  the  Jews  have  succeeded 
in  establishing  their  own  court  for  the  settlement  of 
their  own  questions  according  to  their  own  laws.  And 
that  is  precisely  the  principle  of  the  Soviet-Kahal. 

From  the  first  century  forward,  as  any  reader  can 
see  by  consulting  the  Jewish  Encyclopedia,  the  "com- 
munity," "assembly"  or  "Kahal"  has  been  the  center 
of  Jewish  life.  It  was  so  earlier,  in  the  time  of  the 
Babylonian  captivity.  And  the  last  official  appear- 
ance of  it  was  at  the  Peace  Conference,  where  the 
Jews,  in  accordance  with  their  World  Program,  the 
only  program  that  passed  successfully  and  unchanged 
through  the  Peace  Conference,  secured  for  themselves 
the  right  to  the  Kahal  for  administrative  and  cultural 
purposes  in  addition  to  many  other  privileges  in  coun- 
tries where  their  activities  had  been  a  matter  of  pro- 
test. The  Polish  question  is  purely  a  Jewish  question, 
and  Paderewski's  failure  as  a  statesman  was  entirely 


IS  THE  JEWISH  "KAHAL"  THE  MODERN  "SOVIET"?     167 

due  to  his  domination  by  Jewish  influences.  The  Ru- 
manian question  is  hkewise  a  Jewish  question,  and  all 
Rumanians  speak  of  the  United  States  as  "The  Jews' 
Country"  because  they  know  through  their  statesmen 
the  terrific  pressure  which  was  exerted  by  American 
Jews  against  their  country,  a  pressure  extending  to 
the  very  necessities  of  life,  and  which  compelled  Ru- 
mania to  sign  agreements  which  are  as  humiliating  as 
those  that  Austria  asked  of  Serbia,  out  of  which  the 
World  War  grew.  The  Jewish  Question  is  written  all 
over  the  forces  that  provoked  the  war,  and  over  all  the 
hindrances  to  peace  which  the  world  has  since  seen. 

Under  the  Kahal  or  ancient  Soviet,  the  Jews  lived 
by  themselves  and  governed  themselves,  doing  bus- 
iness with  the  government  solely  through  their  repre- 
sentatives. It  was  communism  in  a  more  drastic  form 
than  has  been  seen  anywhere  in  the  world  outside 
Russia.  Education,  health,  taxes,  domestic  affairs,  all 
were  under  the  absolute  control  of  a  few  men  who 
constituted  the  ruling  board.  This  board,  as  the  pres- 
ent-day Jewish  hierarchy  is  supposed  to  be,  was  self- 
perpetuating,  the  office  often  passing  in  an  unbroken 
line  of  hereditary  succession  through  many  genera- 
tions. All  property  was  in  common,  which  however 
did  not  prevent  the  leaders  becoming  rich.  These 
Kahals  or  Soviets  existed  in  Rome,  France,  Holland, 
Germany,  Austria,  Russia,  Denmark,  Italy,  Rumania, 
Turkey  and  England.  In  the  United  States  the  idea 
has  developed  around  the  synagogue  and  around  na- 
tional and  international  secret  societies  of  Jews,  of 
which  more  will  be  said  in  succeeding  articles. 

The  Kahal  is  the  traditional  Jewish  political  insti- 
tution during  the  dispersal  of  the  race  among  the  na- 
tions. Its  international  aspect  is  to  be  seen  in  the 
higher  councils.  These  councils  enlarged  as  the  Jews 
spread  over  the  world.  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia  cites 
the  Council  of  Three  Lands,  the  Council  of  Four 
Lands,  and  the  Council  of  Five  Lands,  showing  an 
international  relationship  in  earlier  years.  But  like 
all  such  records,  public  view  of  them  is  not  easily  ac- 
cessible so  far  as  they  relate  to  modern  times,  f^  The 
recent  Zionist  Congress  in  London,  where  doubtless 
much  business  was  done  that  pertained  to  the  Jewish 
people  throughout  the  world,  though  not  in  public 


168  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

halls  by  any  means,  may  be  called  the  Council  of 
Thirty-Seven  Lands,  for  the  delegates  to  that  congress 
came  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  from  points  remote 
as  Lapland  and  South  Africa,  Persia  and  New  Zea- 
land. The  purpose  of  these  World  Councils  was  the 
unification  of  the  Jews,  and  the  records  of  their  as- 
semblages run  back  through  the  centuries. 

It  is  therefore  no  new  thing  that  has  arisen  in 
Russia.  It  is  the  imposition  by  the  Jewish  revolu- 
tionists ypon  Gentile  Russia  of  a  form  of  control  in 
which  Judaism  has  been  schooled  from  the  earliest 
times  of  its  contact  with  the  world.  Soviet  Russia 
could  not  have  been  possible  had  not  90  per  cent  of 
the  commissars  been  Jewish.  Soviet  Hungary  could 
not  have  been  possible  had  not  Bela  Kun,  the  chief 
Red,  been  a  Jew,  and  had  not  18  of  his  24  commissars 
been  Jews.  The  Jews  are  the  only  group  schooled  in 
the  erection  and  administration  of  the  Kahal. 

An  Associated  Press  dispatch  under  date  of  August 
12  throws  a  light  on  the  congeniality  of  the  Soviet  sys- 
tem and  the  Jewish  mind.  Speaking  of  the  Polish 
towns  and  villages  occupied  by  Bolshevik  forces  in 
their  recent  drive,  the  dispatch  says: 

"The  local  Jewish  parish  populations  already 

are  said  to  be  setting  up  Soviet  and  Communist 

governments." 
Of  course.  Yet  this  is  in  strange  contrast  with 
what  we  are  constantly  told  through  the  press  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  Jews  under  the  Soviet  form  and  of 
their  abhorrence  of  the  Reds.  However,  most  of  what 
we  read  concerning  this  in  the  public  press  is  Jewish 
propaganda,  pure  and  simple,  and  the  reports  of  men 
on  the  spot  contradict  it  all.  One  relief  worker  testi- 
fies that  relief  work  in  Poland  is  frequently  "hung  up 
because  some  Jew  landlord  asks  an  exorbitant  rent 
for  his  premises,"  while  another  testifies  that  though 
railroad  fares  in  the  supposedly  famine-stricken  dis- 
tricts have  gone  up  1,000  per  cent,  the  best  and  high- 
est-fare trains  are  "exclusively  occupied  by  Jews." 
He  adds,  of  his  trip  through  Hungary,  "The  Hun- 
garians have  no  money  any  more,  but  the  Jews  have." 

"But  American  Jews  abhor  Trotsky  and  Soviet- 
ism,"  is  the  plea  sometimes  made. 
Do  they? 


IS  THE  JEWISH  "KAHAL"  THE  MODERN   "SOVIET"?     169 

On  page  9  of  the  American  Jewish  World,  of  July 
30,  a  letter  signed  "Mrs.  Samuel  Rush"  appears.  It 
is  headed:  "Are  We  Really  Ashamed  of  Trotsky?" 
Read  a  few  excerpts  from  it: 

"I  have  read  of  late  several  laments  from  ed- 
itors of  Jewish  publications  that  the  Jew  is  now 
libeled  as  a  radical. 

"It  is  true  that  many  Jews  are  radicals.  It  is 
also  true  that  some  of  the  radical  leaders  are 
Jews. 

"But  before  weeping  over  the  downfall  of 
the  race,  let's  think  a  bit. 

"Trotsky  himself  has  never  been  represented 
as  anything  but  a  cultured  man,  a  student  of 
world  economics,  a  powerful  and  efficient  leader 
and  thinker  who  will  surely  go  down  in  history 
as  one  of  the  great  men  our  race  has  given  to 
the  world. 

"*  *  *  Very  few  of  us  doubt  any  longer  that 
behind  the  absurdities  written  about  Russia  is 
the  great  truth  that  Russia  is  in  that  unsettled 
state  which  always  attends  reconstruction.  There 
is  a  plan  behind  this  seeming  disorder,  and  out 
of  the  upheaval  will  come  order.  It  will  not  be 
Utopia,  but  as  good  a  government  as  the  un- 
doubtedly high-minded  practical  idealists  who 
are  building  for  Russia  can  build  with  the  neces- 
sarily'' imperfect  materials — human  beings — with 
which  they  must  work. 

"And  one  of  the  leaders  is  Leon  Trotsky! 
"Are  we  really  ashamed  of  Trotsky?" 
The  lady  is  evidently  not  ashamed  of  Trotsky,  or 
Mr.  Braunstein,  as  his  real  name  is. 

Or  take  Judge  Harry  Fisher,  of  Chicago.  While 
drawing  a  salary  for  work  in  the  court,  Judge  Fisher 
went  abroad  on  Jewish  relief  work.  His  plans  were 
changed  somewhat  after  his  departure  and  he  landed 
in  Russia.  He  asserts  in  several  interviews  that  he 
was  permitted  to  arrive  in  Russia  on  condition  that 
he  leave  political  matters  alone.  There  has  been  no 
such  restriction  placed  upon  him  since  his  return  to 
the  United  States,  for  he  appears  as  an  open  advocate 
of  full  trade  relations  with  the  Soviet  Government 
of  Russia, 


170  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

The  Chicago  Tribune  thus  quotes  him: 

"'We  must  leave   Russia  alone'   he  said"  in 
summarizing    his    views.     'We    should    resume 
trade  with  the  Soviet.     The  Bolshevist  Govern- 
ment is  permanent.   *  *  *  While  there  are  only 
700,000  members  of  the  Communist  party,  the 
peasants,  who  represent  almost  100,000,000  peo- 
ple, are  solidly  back  of  the  Lenin  regime.'  " 
Among  the  Soviet  devices  which  the  100,000,000 
peasants  of  Russia  are  said  to  be  "solidly  back  of,"  is 
the  following  (it  is  particularly  interesting  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  Judge  Fisher  is  judge  of  the  Morals 
Court  of  Chicago) : 

"  'Some  time  ago  it  was  published  that  the 
women  of  Russia  had  become  national  prop- 
erty,' he  said.  'That  is  untrue,  but  the  ease 
with  which  marriage  and  divorce  may  be  effect- 
ed makes  for  rapid  changes.  Everyone  wanting 
to  marry  goes  to  what  we  would  call  the  city 
hall  and  registers. 

"  'Inducements  to  marry  are  great.     When 
people   are  hard  pressed  for   clothes    and    food 
they  sometimes  make  a  pact  to  wed  for  a  day. 
"  'The  next  day  they  go  down  to  the  city  hall 
and  register  again.     This  time  their  names  are 
put  side  by  side  in  the  divorce  book.     That  is  all 
that  is  necessary  to  be  divorced,  and  they  have 
had  a  good  feed  in  the  bargain.'  " 
Judge  Harry  Fisher,  of  Chicago,  who  has  returned 
from  Jewish  relief  work  abroad,  evidently  is  one  with 
the  others  in  not  being  ashamed  of  Trotsky. 

Also  Max  Pine,  for  many  years  secretary  of  the 
United  Hebrew  Trades  of  New  York,  has  been  abroad 
in  Soviet  Russia  as  "a  labor  delegate."  He  too  had 
many  good  things  to  say  of  the  Soviets,  among  other 
things  the  strange  contradiction  that  the  Jews  are 
doing  very  well  in  Russia  but  are  not  pro-Bolshevik! 
Here  are  three  persons  from  widely  different 
spheres  of  life,  yet  each  one  of  them  indicates  a 
natural  liking  for  the  Kahal  or  Soviet,  an  admiration 
of  its  methods,  and  a  distinct  good  feeling  toward  its 
rulers.  For  Sovietism  is  the  rankest  form  of  autoc- 
racy, and  the  marriage  laws  of  Soviet  Russia  are  in 


IS  THE  JEWISH  "KAHAL"  THE  MODERN  "SOVIET"?     171 

full  harmony  with  the  program  stated  in  the  Pro- 
tocols— 

"We  will  break  down  the  influence  of  family- 
life  among  the  Gentiles." 

Whether  the  Soviet-Kahals  of  Russia  will  succeed 
in  completely  undermining  Russian  family  life  is  ex- 
tremely doubtful.  The  weakness  of  Soviet  rule  is  the 
same  as  that  of  the  Protocols — a  moral  weakness  which 
must  eat  like  a  cancer  until  it  destroys  the  institutions 
which  it  infests. 

Russia  today,  viewed  in  the  light  of  the  Protocols, 
does  not  represent  the  Judaic  state,  but  it  represents 
the  Gentile  state  seized  by  Jewish  forces.  There  are 
three  degrees  of  action  set  forth  in  the  Protocols. 
There  is  first  the  secret  process  of  breaking  up  the  in- 
tegrity of  society  by  the  admixture  of  alluring  but 
disruptive  ideas.  This  is  a  work  in  which  Gentile 
agitators  are  used.  When  the  ideas  have  worked  suf- 
ficiently to  break  up  society  and  explode  in  a  crisis, 
then  as  in  Germany,  the  forces  that  have  worked  in 
secret  come  swiftly  to  the  front  to  take  the  reins  and 
guide  the  riot.  In  Germany  this  immediately  occur- 
red upon  the  collapse  which  followed  the  armistice,  but 
the  Germans  were  wise  enough  to  know  the  meaning  of 
the  influx  of  Jews  into  all  the  official  positions  of  the 
former  empire,  and  it  was  not  long  before  they  were 
politically  ousted.  In  Russia,  however,  the  Jews 
sprang  immediately  into  official  positions  and  have 
succeeded  in  remaining  there.  It  began  with  Keren- 
sky  compeUing  the  Czar  to  lay  aside  his  crown;  it  con- 
tinues with  Trotsky  and  his  armies  at  the  throat  of 
Europe. 

But  this  seizure  of  a  country,  as  was  attempted  in 
Germany,  and  as  was  not  only  attempted  but  succeed- 
ed in  Russia,  is  not  the  end  of  the  Program.  It  is  only 
the  beginning  of  its  open  or  public  phase.  The  Soviet- 
Kahal  makes  for  the  complete  breaking  up  of  soci- 
ety, the  entire  cutting  off  of  co-operation  and  com- 
munication, the  ruling  of  each  little  section  in  the  way 
desired,  until  the  whole  country  lies  helpless  in  iso- 
lated bits.  The  process  includes,  of  course,  the  dis- 
integration of  industry  also,  the  massing  of  Gentiles 
into  an  army,  and  a  general  destruction  of  morality 
and  order.     It  is  the  Protocol  program  in  its  last  stage 


172  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

before  the  reconstruction  begins  which  shall  make  the 
conquered  country  a  Jewish  state. 

The  world  has  not  seen  that  last  stage  yet.  It  has 
not  come,  even  in  Russia.  If  the  Russian  people 
waken  from  the  daze  into  which  they  have  been  thrust, 
it  will  not  come.  Jewish  voices  loudly  proclaim  that 
Soviet  Russia  has  come  to  stay.  The  only  authorita- 
tive voice  on  that  subject  is  the  voice  of  Russia,  and 
Russia  has  not  yet  spoken.  Today  the  world  is  trem- 
bling on  the  very  verge  of  Real  Russia's  awakening,  and 
with  it  a  retribution  most  terrible  upon  the  Sovietists. 
The  program  of  the  Protocols  once  came  near  suc- 
ceeding in  the  French  Revolution,  but  its  essential  im- 
morality overreached  itself.  It  has  come  a  step  near- 
er success  in  Russia,  but  there  too  its  defiance  of  the 
moral  law  will  be  its  undoing.  The  Jewish  Question 
of  today  is  being  fought  out  in  Russia  and  Poland, 
and  the  strength  of  the  Jewish  forces  is  largely  and 
mostly  supplied  from  the  United  States  of  America. 
No  wonder  those  small  East  European  independencies 
which  are  fighting  for  their  lives  refer  to  our  country 
as  "The  Land  of  the  Jews." 

*'We  will   show  our   power  to  one,"  say  the 
Protocols.     "In  order  to  demonstrate  our  enslave- 
.ment  of  the  Gentile  governments  of  Europe,  we 
shall  show  our  power  to  one  of  them  by  crimes 
of  violence,  that  is,  by  a  reign  of  terror."     (Proto- 
col Seven.) 
One  by  one  the  Gentile  nations  of  Europe  have 
been  compelled  to  withdraw  their  troops  from  Russia. 
One  by  one  the  premiers  of  Europe  have  submitted  to 
heavy  shackling  of  their  official  hands  with  regard  to 
the  Russian  question.     And  today  the  world  looks  on 
while  little  Poland,  apparently  the  second  country  on 
the  list  of  Soviet  victims,  is  made  to  feel  heavy  ven- 
geance for  her  daring  to  be  independent  of  Jewish  power. 
Russia  has  been  made  to  pay  for  her  attempted  inde- 
pendence of  the  Jew;  Poland  is  now  being  made  to 
pay.     It  is  a  flame,  the  Jews  of  Eastern  Europe  hope, 
and  many  Jews  of  America  also,'  which  will  sweep 
round  the  world. 

If  the  ruling  Jews  of  the  world  wished  the  Russian 
people  freed,  if  they  wished  the  flames  of  Bolshevism 
to  be  quenched,  if  they  wished  Jewish  participation  in 


IS  THE  JEWISH  "KAHAL"  THE  MODERN  "SOVIET"?     173 

revolutionary  movements  to  be  withdrawn,  they  could 
accomplish  it  in  a  week.  What  is  going  on  today  is 
going  on  by  permission  of  the  Jewish  world  powers. 
There  is  apparently  no  desire  to  curtail  a  movement 
which  largely  originated  in  American  Jewry.  This  is 
the  program  of  "showing  our  power  to  one,"  and  the 
program  will  be  followed  out.  The  "showing,"  how- 
ever, is  twofold;  it  is  a  showing  of  power,  but  it  is  also 
a  showing  of  the  people  who  wield  the  power,  and  in 
the  end  it  might  have  been  just  as  well  had  the  power 
never  been  coveted,  attained,  or  used. 

Anyone  who  desires  to  test  the  exactitude  of  the 
Protocols'  estimate  of  human  nature  may  do  so  by 
observing  his  own  reactions  to  the  Russian  Bolshevist 
situation.  It  is  undeniable  that  there  exists  among  all 
classes  of  Gentiles  in  America  a  kind  of  admiration  for 
the  coup  which  Lenin  and  Trotsky  have  managed  on 
such  a  massive  scale.  The  audacity  of  it,  the  ability 
to  stay  afloat  thus  long  in  defiance  of  so  many  laws, 
have  conspired  to  draw  out  unwilling  applause. 

Consider  then  this  passage  from  the  Tenth  Proto- 
col: 

"The  people  feel  an  especial  love  and  respect 
toward  the  genius  who  wields  political  power, 
and  they  say  of  all  his  high-handed  actions:  'It 
is  base,  but  clever!  It  is  a  trick,  but  how  he 
played  it!     So  majestic!     So  impudent!' 

"We  count  on  attracting  all  nations  to  the 
constructive  work  of  laying  the  foundations  for 
the  structure  planned  by  us.  It  is  necessary  for 
us  first  of  all  to  acquire  the  services  of  bold  and 
fearless  agents,  who  will  overcome  all  obstacles 
in  our  pathway. 

"When  we  accomplish  our  governmental  coup 
d'etat,  we  will  say  to  the  people:  'Everything  has 
gone  badly,  all  have  suffered.     We  will  eliminate 
the  causes  of  your  sufferings — nationality,  fron- 
tiers and  diversity  of  coinage.     Of  course  you 
are  free  to  pronounce  sentence  upon  us,  but  that 
can  scarcely  be  just  if  you  do  so  before  giving 
a  trial  to  that  which  we  offer  you.'  " 
This  is  very  well  conceived,  and  this  is  the  way  in 
which,  up  to  this  time,  it  has  worked  out.     But  there 
will  be  a  strong  reaction  set  in.     False  promises  like 


174  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

chickens  come  home  to  roost.  The  real  originators, 
the  real  purpose  of  the  movement  hidden  behind  Bol- 
shevism will  become  evident.  And  then  the  world  will 
crush  out  again  the  World  Program  which  at  times 
has  seemed  so  near  success. 

There  will  probably  be  more  light  upon  this  World 
Program  as  a  result  of  the  Russian  Kahal-Soviet 
system  than  from  any  other  attempt  to  reahze  it.  For 
five  generations  the  world  has  lived  in  a  false  light 
supposed  to  be  shed  by  the  French  Revolution.  It  is 
now  known  that  that  revolution  was  not  the  Revolu- 
tion of  the  French  People,  but  the  disorders  of  a  mi- 
nority who  sought  to  impose  upon  the  French  People 
the  very  Plan  which  is  now  being  considered.  It  was 
the  French  People  who  ultimately  put  down  the  so- 
called  French  Revolution.  And  France,  as  a  result  of 
that  upheaval  of  a  well-organized  minority,  has  been 
bound  by  Jewish  control  ever  since. 

The  Russian  Revolution  will  go  down  in  history 
with  no  such  false  halo  of  romance  around  it.  The 
world  now  knows  it  for  what  it  is.  The  world  will 
soon  know  whose  was  the  money  and  whose  were  the 
brains  that  fostered  it,  and  from  what  part  of  the 
world  the  principal  impetus  came.  The  Russian  up- 
heaval is  racial,  not  political  nor  economic.  It  con- 
ceals beneath  all  its  false  socialism  and  its  empty 
mouthings  of  "human  brotherhood"  a  clear-cut  plan 
of  racial  imperialism,  which  is  not  Russian,  and  which 
the  common  sense  and  interest  of  the  world  will  speed- 
ily stamp  out. 


Issue  of  Aogost  28,  1920. 


XVI. 


How  the  "Jewish  Question" 
Touches  the  Farm 

THE  real  estate  speculations  of  the  Jews  are  fa- 
miliar to  all,  but  unfortunately  do  not  constitute 
their  entire  land  program.  Many  American  cities 
have  changed  their  characters  entirely  during  the  past 
15  years  by  reason  of  Jewish  speculation  in  residence 
property,  and  it  is  a  fact  established  in  the  larger 
eastern  cities  that  the  recent  exorbitant  and  extor- 
tionate rise  in  rents  was  largely  a  matter  of  the  Jewish 
landlord.  The  governor  of  one  of  the  most  important 
of  our  commonwealths  was  loath  to  sign  a  bill  regu- 
lating rents.  His  hesitancy  was  encouraged  by  very 
heavy  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon  him  by  the 
weightiest  Jewish  financial  interests  in  his  own  and 
neighboring  states.  He  finally  decided  that  he  would 
sign  the  bill  and  give  the  law  effect,  and  the  fact  that 
decided  him  was  his  personal  investigation  and  the 
investigation  of  his  personal  agents  into  hundreds  of 
cases  of  abuse  where  he  discovered  that  it  was  a  com- 
mon practice  among  Jewish  landlords  to  transfer  the 
same  piece  of  property  round  and  round  to  every 
member  of  the  family  ia  turn,  each  "transfer"  being 
the  excuse  for  a  new  increase  in  the  rent.  Men  have 
their  eyes  opened  to  the  Jewish  Question  in  various 
ways:  this  was  the  way  a  governor  had  his  eyes 
opened. 

That,  however,  is  not  the  peculiarity  of  Jewish 
landlords  alone;  Gentile  landlords  have  played  the 
same  trick.  But  landlordism  is  peculiarly  a  Jewish 
ambition  and. distinction;  the  Jew  is  the  Landlord  of 
America.  Any  group  of  tenants  almost  anywhere  in 
America,  except  the  West,  could  testify  to  this. 

Nor  is  landlordism  itself  reprehensible,  things  be- 
ing what  they  are,  unless  it  is  anti-social  and  anti- 
American.  And  just  here  is  where  it  gets  point. 
Some  of  the  oldest  and  most  sacred  shrines  of  Amer- 
icanism in  the  East  have  entirely  lost  their  character 
as  such  by  the  invasion — not  of  "foreigners" — but  of 
Jews. 


176  THE   INTERNATIONAL  JEW 

The  more  one  sees  of  this  invasion,  the  more  one 
utterly  distrusts  the  statistics  given  out  by  Jews  as  to 
the  Jewish  population  of  the  United  States. 

Do  you  know  that  the  one  nationality  on  which  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  is  estopped  from 
asking  questions,  either  for  immigration  or  census  sta- 
tistics, is  the  Jewish? 

Do  you  know  that  when  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  wants  to  know  anything  about  the  Jews, 
it  must  go  to  statisticians  which  the  Jews  themselves 
support? 

If  a  nation  claims  that  it  is  no  nation  with  respect 
to  the  United  States  Government,  as  the  Jews  claim, 
and  has  no  national  statistics  which  it  will  permit  the 
government  to  collect  in  the  official  way,  why  should 
it  treat  itself  as  a  nation  and  keep  its  own  records? 

The  Jews  of  the  United  States,  like  the  Jews  of 
every  European  country,  are  a  nation  among  them- 
selves, with  their  own  government,  their  own  policy, 
their  own  records;  and  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment does  business  with  the  Jewish  Government  in 
America  through  chosen  Jews — no  doubt  of  that. 

It  is,  however,  a  digression.  The  matter  of  Jewish 
statistics  will  come  up  again.  In  the  meantime  a 
glance  at  the  rapid  changing  of  so  many  American 
cities  in  all  parts  of  the  land  leads  to  the  belief  that 
the  Jewish  statistics  furnished  by  the  Jews  for  Gentile 
consumption  entirely  misstate  the  facts,  and  this  belief 
is  strengthened  by  the  knowledge  that  the  statistics 
given  by  the  Jews  for  Jewish  consumption  are  very 
different  from  those  supphed  for  the  outside  world. 

Landlordism  may  be  explained  by  the  inclination  of 
the  Jew  toward  speculation,  and  we  know  that  real 
estate  has  been  made  one  of  the  most  speculative  of 
occupations,  disgracefully,  almost  disastrously  so. 
The  Jew  cannot  be  condemned  for  becoming  a  land- 
lord, for  becoming  the  most  conspicuous  landlord  in 
America;  he  cannot  be  condemned  apart  from  his 
Gentile  co-offenders  for  the  abuse  be  has  made  of  his 
advantage  as  landlord.  But  it  is  a  matter  for  Ameri- 
can concern  that  the  cities  to  which,  in  the  schoolbooks, 
our  children  are  taught  to  look  as  the  birthplaces  of 
liberty  and  as  still  the  spokesmen  of  Americanism, 
should  become  Semite  cities,  financially  and  politically, 


HOW   "JEWISH   QUESTION'"  TOUCHES   THE   FARM       177 

and  the  recruiting  grounds  of  the  world's  Bolshevism. 

Until  recently,  however,  the  Jew  in  America  has 
not  cared  for  the  land.  It  is  a  characteristic.  The 
Jew  is  not  an  agriculturist.  Lavish  fortunes  have 
been  expentled  to  make  him  so,  but  the  productive 
work  of  farming  has  not  had,  and  does  not  now  have, 
any  appeal  to  him.  His  choice  in  land  is  this:  land 
that  produces  gold  from  the  mine,  and  land  that  pro- 
duces rents.  Land  that  produces  mere  potatoes  and 
wheat  has  not  directly  interested  him. 

It  is  true,  of  course,  that  the  land  question  has  been 
distinctly  Jewish  in  countries  like  Poland  and  Ru- 
mania. No  law  against  Jews  owning  land  in  those 
countries  has  ever  been  effective  in  preventing  their 
control  of  whole  provinces.  Not  that  the  Jews  de- 
manded the  right  to  farm  the  land,  their  choice  was  to 
farm  the  farmers.  By  devious  methods  and  the  use 
of  "Gentile  fronts"  they  could  always  secure  control  of 
the  land,  and  thus  dominating  the  peasants  they 
could  create  almost  any  condition  they  wished.  That 
is  what  they  actually  did.  That  is  the  Jewish  Ques- 
tion in  those  parts  of  the  world.  Not  for  farming 
purposes,  it  must  be  understood,  but  for  the  purpose  of 
controlling  the  main  source  of  wealth  in  agricultural 
countries  and  for  taking  the  control  of  the  people  away 
from  their  natural  Gentile  leaders. 

These  two  things  always  go  together  in  countries 
where  there  is  intellectual  or  landed  aristocracy  to 
which  the  people  look  for  leadership :  the  Jewish  pro- 
gram is  to  destroy  that  leadership  by  gaining  control  of 
the  land.  It  is  profitable,  of  course,  but  when  you 
survey  the  outworking  of  the  plan  you  always  see 
something  other  than  profits  involved.  The  consum- 
mate perfection  of  the  Jewish  plan  for  World  Control 
is  that  it  does  not  involve  sacrifice  as  have  other  plans, 
it  is  immensely  profitable  at  every  stage,  and  the 
greater  the  profitableness  the  more  surely  the  purpose 
is  being  achieved. 

In  America  there  was  no  aristocracy  to  be  cut  under 
by  the  gaining  of  land  control.  Jewish  activity  in  the 
United  States  until  recentlj^  has  confined  itself  to  the 
control  of  land  products  after  they  have  been  pro- 
duced: that  is,  so  to  say,  Jewish  interests  do  not 
engage  in  trapping,  but  they  control  the  fur  trade. 


178  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

Speaking  of  furs,  it  is  very  funny  to  see  how  some 
affairs  turn  out.  During  the  war  there  was  a  great 
to-do  made  about  the  German  control  of  the  American 
fur  trade.  It  was  true  that  the  fur  trade  was  con- 
trolled from  Germany,  but  not  by  Germans — by  Jews! 
And  then  a  great  to-do  was  made  about  seizing,  con- 
fiscating and  absolutely  selling  out  that  "German" 
fur  business  to  Americans,  and  the  "Americans"  who 
bought  it  were  — Jews !  The  actual  control  has  never 
changed;  the  profits  still  find  their  way  to  the  "Inter- 
national" purse. 

But  furs  is  just  an  example.  Jewish  interests  do 
not  engage  in  raising  grain,  but  control  the  grain  that 
others  produce.  The  need  of  the  United  States  is 
a  "Who's  Who  of  Jewish  Financiers"  that  the  people 
may  identify  the  men  about  whom  they  read  as  having 
made  this  "corner"  or  sprung  that  "coup." ,  These  in- 
terests, which  have  simply  grabbed  American-pro- 
duced wealth  and  made  American  consumers  pay  and 
pay  and  pay,  have  been  able  to  operate  almost  openly 
because  of  the  sheer  blindness  of  the  American  people 
as  they  read  their  newspapers.  And,  of  course,  while 
the  American  newspaper  will  gladly  inform  you  that 
this  man  is  an  Italian  and  that  man  a  Pole  and  the 
other  man  a  Briton,  it  will  never  tell  you  that  the 
fourth  man  is  a  Jew.  There  is  a  Jewish  organization 
in  every  city,  large  and  small,  to  prevent  it — and  they 
prevent  it  by  methods  that  are  violent  and  wholly 
subversive  of  the  American  ideal  of  liberty. 

So,  until  recently,  the  plan  in  the  United  States  has 
been  to  seize  the  commodity  at  just  that  point  in  its 
passage  from  producer  to  consumer  where  the  heaviest 
weight  of  profit  can  be  extracted  from  it — at  the  neck 
of  the  bottle,  so  to  speak — and  control  it  there.  It  is 
not  service  that  the  people  pay  for;  they  pay  for 
seizure. 

But  a  new  movement  has  begun  in  the  United 
States.  Jewish  millions  are  now  being  used  to  secure 
immense  tracts  of  American  lands.  Formerly  it  was 
enough  to  control  the  cotton,  as  the  bread  was  con- 
trolled, but  now  the  movement  is  toward  controlling 
the  cotton  lands.  The  operations  are  carefully  guard- 
ed; "Gentile  fronts"  are  used  almost  exclusively; 
but  follow  the  trail  through  all  the  "blinds"  and  "false 


HOW   "JEWISH   QUESTION"  TOUCHES  THE   FARM       179 

scents,"  and  you  come  at  last  to  the  International 
Jew,  whose  throne  is  set  up  in  London. 

Many  Jews  have  written  The  Dearborn  Inde- 
pendent saying  that  they  do  not  know  about  these 
racial  plans  for  world  control.  It  may  well  be  be- 
lieved that  they  do  not.  One  purpose  of  these  articles 
is  to  tell  them  about  it.  But  this  every  Jew  rejoices  in 
— the  movement  of  his  people  toward  power.  And  it 
is  this  sentiment  that  the  International  Jew  implicitly 
trusts,  and  because  this  sentiment  exists  The  Inter- 
national Program  secures  a  maximum  of  success  at  a 
minimum  risk  of  exposure.  Jewry  is  not  a  democracy 
but  an  autocracy.  Of  course  the  ordinary  Jew  does 
not  know !  The  question  is,  Why  should  he  revile  the 
Gentile  who  tries  to  tell  him?  If  a  Jew  will  not  seal 
his  mind  against  the  statements  made  in  these  articles, 
he  will  find  in  his  own  knowledge  sufficient  corrobora- 
tion of  their  principal  features,  and  he  will  be  in  a 
better  position  to  assist  in  the  solution  of  the  Jewish 
Question. 

It  is  with  amazement  at  certain  men's  conception 
of  editorial  honesty  that  The  Dearborn  Indepen- 
dent has  read  some  of  the  reports  made  of  these  arti- 
cles. Under  cover,  principally  of  the  Yiddish,  alleged 
translations  of  these  articles  have  been  flung  broadcast 
among  non-English  speaking  Jews,  translations  which 
not  only  bear  no  resemblance  to  the  original,  but 
actually  insert  whole  paragraphs  of  matter  which  never 
appeared  in  the  original  at  all.  Is  there  a  fear  of  per- 
mitting the  average  Jew  to  read  this  series?  Nothing 
is  more  desired  by  those  whose  purpose  is  to  lay  foun- 
dations for  the  solution  of  the  Jewish  Question  in 
America  than  that  every  Jew  in  the  United  States 
should  know  exactly  what  is  being  printed  here  week 
by  week.  The  Jew  has  been  deceived  by  his  leaders 
long  enough. 

The  fact  is,  then,  that  there  is  a  definite  and  al- 
ready well  forwarded  movement  toward  the  control  of 
the  cotton  lands  of  the  United  States.  The  first  step 
was  to  depreciate  the  market  value  of  these  lands  as 
much  as  possible.  Pressure  was  brought  through  cer- 
tain banks  to  limit  the  cotton  farmers'  efforts.  They 
were  told  that  if  they  planted  more  acreage  to  cotton 
than  they ^ were  told  to,  they  would  not  be  financed. 


180  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

Cotton  production  was  to  go  down  while  cotton  prices 
were  to  go  up,  and  the  profits  were  not  the  farmers' 
but  those  who  controlled  the  course  of  cotton  from 
the  first  market  to  the  wearer.  Cotton  farming  was  to 
be  made  less  profitable,  while  cotton  speculation  was  to 
become  more  profitable.  The  public  was  being  com- 
pelled to  supply  the  money  by  which  the  Jewish  con- 
trollers were  to  buy  the  land.  In  brief,  it  was  to  be 
made  more  profitable  to  sell  cotton  lands  than  to  sell 
cotton. 

These  statements  are  being  deliberately  restricted 
to  the  traffic  in  cotton  lands.  Jewish  financiers  in 
New  York  and  London  know  these  things,  even  if 
Jewish  editors  and  rabbis  do  not. 

This  movement  has  been  within  the  knowledge  of 
certain  classes  of  business  men  for  a  long  time,  indeed 
some  have  been  forced  by  what  used  to  be  called  "the 
pressure  of  circumstances,"  to  serve  the  movement. 
But  they  were  not  able  to  interpret  its  meaning.  It  is 
only  recently  that  the  more  important  Gentile  business 
men  of  the  United  States  have  been  able  to  interpret 
certain  things.     The  war  was  a  potent  eye-opener. 

Those  wonderful  documents  known  as  the  "Proto- 
cols," with  their  strong  grasp  of  every  element  of  life, 
have  not  overlooked  Land.  The  Land  Program  is 
found  in  the  Sixth  Protocol,  which  is  one  of  the  brief- 
est of  these  documents  and  may  be  quoted  in  full  to 
show  now  the  relation  it  bears  to  certain  excerpts 
made  in  previous  articles: 

Protocol  VI. 

"We  shall  soon  begin  to  establish  huge  mo- 
nopolies, colossal  reservoirs  of  wealth,  upon 
which  even  the  big  Gentile  properties  will  be  de- 
pendent to  such  an  extent  that  they  will  all  fall 
together  with  the  government  credit  on  the  day 
following  the  political  catastrophe.  The  econo- 
mists here  present  must  carefully  weigh  the  sig- 
nificance of  this  combination.  We  must  develop 
by  every  means  the  importance  of  our  super-gov- 
ernment, representing  it  as  the  protector  and 
benefactor  of  all  who  voluntarily  submit  to  us. 

"The  aristocracy  of  the  Gentiles  as  a  political 


HOW   "JEWISH   QUESTION"  TOUCHES  THE   FARM       181 

force  has  passed  away.  We  need  not  take  them 
into  consideration.  But,  as  owners  of  the  land, 
they  are  harmful  to  us  in  that  they  are  independ- 
ent in  their  sources  of  livelihood'.  Therefore,  at 
all  costs,  we  must  deprive  them  of  their  land. 

"The  best  means  to  attain  this  is  to  increase 
the  taxes  and  mortgage  indebtedness.  These  mea- 
sures will  keep  land  oivnership  in  a  state  of  un- 
conditional subordination.  Unable  to  satisfy  their 
needs  by  small  inheritances,  the  aristocrats  among 
the  Gentiles  will  burn  themselves  out  rapidly. 

"At  the  same  time  it  is  necessary  to  encour- 
age trade  and  industry  vigorously  and  especially 
speculation,  the  function  of  which  is  to  act  as  a 
counterpoise  to  industry.  Without  speculation, 
industry  will  cause  private  capital  to  increase  and 
tend  to  improve  the  condition  of  Agriculture  BY 
FREEING  THE  LAND  FROM  INDEBTED- 
NESS FOR  LOANS  by  the  land  banks.  It  is  nec- 
essary for  industry  to  deplete  the  land  both  of  labor- 
ers and  capital,  and,  through  speculations,  trans- 
fer all  the  money  of  the  world  into  our  hands,  there- 
by throwing  the  Gentiles  into  the  ranks  of  the  pro- 
letariat. The  Gentiles  will  then  bow  before  us 
to  obtain  the  right  to  existence. 

"To  destroy  Gentile  industry,  we  shall,  as  an 
incentive  to  this  speculation,  encourage  among 
the  Gentiles  a  strong  demand  for  luxuries,  all- 
enticing  luxuries. 

"We  will  force  up  wages,  which  however  will 
be  of  no  benefit  to  workers,  for  we  will  at  the 
same  time  cause  a  rise  in  the  prices  of  prime  ne- 
cessities, pretending  that  this  is  due  to  the  decline 
of  agriculture  and  of  cattle  raising.  We  will  also 
artfully  and  deeply  undermine  the  sources  of 
production  by  instilling  in  the  workmen  ideas  of 
anarchy,  and  encourage  them  in  the  use  of  alco- 
hol, at  the  same  time  taking  measures  to  drive 
all  the  intellectual  forces  of  the  Gentiles  from 
I'he  land. 

"That  the  true  situation  shall  not  be  noticed 
by  the  Gentiles  prematurely,  we  will  mask  it  by 
a  pretended  effort  to  serve  the  working  classes 
and  promote  great  economic  principles,  for  which 


182  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

an  active  propaganda  will  be  carried  on  through 

our  economic  theories." 
The  local  and  passing  element  in  this  is  "the  aris- 
tocracy of  the  Gentiles."  That  is  to  say,  the  program 
is  not  entirely  fulfilled  by  the  passing  of  aristocrats. 
Jewry  goes  on  just  the  same.  Its  program  stretches 
far.  Jewry  will  retain  such  kings  as  it  desires  as  long 
as  it  desires  them.  Probably  the  last  throne  to  be  va- 
cated will  be  the  British  throne  because  what  to  the 
British  mind  is  the  honor  of  being  Jewry's  protector 
and  therefore  the  inheritor  of  the  blessing  which  that 
attitude  brings,  is  to  the  Jewish  mind  the  good  fortune 
of  being  able  to  use  a  world-wide  empire  for  the  fur- 
therance of  Jewry's  purpose.  Each  has  served  the 
other  and  the  partnership  will  probably  last  until 
Jewry  gets  ready  to  throw  Britain  over,  which  Jewry 
can  do  at  almost  any  time.  There  are  indications  that 
it  has  already  started  on  this  last  task. 

But  the  permanent  elements  in  this  Protocol  are 
the  Land,  the  Jews,  and  the  Gentiles.  A  word  of  ex- 
planation may  be  necessary  on  this  inclusion  of  the 
Gentiles  as  permanent:  the  Protocols  do  not  contem- 
plate the  extermination  of  the  Gentiles,  nor  the  mak- 
ing of  this  world  a  completely  Jewish  populated  world. 
The  Protocols  contemplate  a  Gentile  world  ruled  by 
the  Jews — the  Jews  as  masters,  the  Gentiles  as  hewers 
of  wood  and  drawers  of  water,  a  policy  which  every 
Old  Testament  reader  knows  to  be  typically  Jewish 
and  the  source  of  divine  judgment  upon  Israel  time 
and  again. 

Now,  look  at  this  whole  Program  as  it  concerns  the 
Land. 

"Owners  of  the  land  *  *  *  are  harmful  to  us  in 
that  they  are  independent  in  their  sources  of  livelihood." 
That  is  a  foundation  principle  of  the  Protocols.  It 
matters  not  whether  the  owners  are  the  "Gentile  aris- 
tocracy," the  peasants  of  Poland,  or  the  farmers  of  the 
United  States — land  ownership  makes  the  owners  "in- 
dependent in  their  sources  of  livelihood."  And  any  form 
of  independence  is  fatal  to  the  success  of  the  World 
Program  which  is  written  so  comprehensively  in  the 
Protocols  and  which  is  advancing  so  comprehensively 
under  Jewish  guidance  in  the  world  of  actual  affairs 
today. 


HOW   "JEWISH   QUESTION"  TOUCHES  THE  FARM       183 

Not  "tillers"  of  the  land,  not  "dwellers"  on  the 
land,  not  "tenants,"  not  an  "agricultural  peasantry," 
but  "owners  of  the  land" — this  is  the  class  singled  out 
for  attention  in  this  Sixth  Protocol,  BECA  USE  they 
are  "independent  in  their  sources  of  livelihood.^' 

Now,  there  has  been  no  time  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States  when  apparently  it  was  more  easy  for 
the  farmer  to  own  his  land  than  now.  Mortgages 
should  be  a  thing  of  the  past.  Everywhere  the  propa- 
ganda of  the  question  tells  us  that  the  farmers  are 
growing  "rich."  And  yet  there  were  never  so  many 
abandoned  farms! 

"Therefore,  at  all  costs  ive  must  deprive  them  of  their 
land." 

How?  "The  best  means  to  attain  this  is  to  increase 
land  taxes  and  mortgage  indebtedness."  High  taxes  to 
keep  the  land  at  all,  borrowed  money  to  finance  the 
tilling  of  it. 

"These  measures  will  keep  land  ownership  in  a  state 
of  unconditional  subordination." 

We  will  leave  it  to  the  farmers  of  the  United  States 
to  say  whether  this  is  working  out  or  not. 

And  in  a  future  reference  to  this  subject  we  will 
show  that  whenever  an  attempt  is  made  to  enable 
farmers  to  borrow  money  at  decent  rates,  whenever  it 
is  proposed  to  lighten  the  burden  of  "mortgage  indebt- 
edness" on  the  farm,  Jewish  financial  influence  in  the 
United  States  steps  in  to  prevent  it,  or  faihng  to  pre- 
vent it,  mess  it  all  up  in  the  operation. 

By  increasing  the  farmer's  financial  disability  on 
the  one  hand,  and  by  increasing  industrial  allurements 
on  the  other,  a  very  great  deal  is  accomplished.  The 
Protocol  says:  "It  is  necessary  for  industry  to  deplete 
the  Land  both  of  laborers  and  capital." 

Has  that  been  done?  Have  the  farms  of  the 
United  States  been  depleted  both  of  laborers  and 
capital?  Certainly.  Money  is  harder  for  the  farmer 
to  get  than  it  is  for  any  other  man;  and  as  for  labor,  he 
cannot  get  it  on  any  terms. 

What  is  the  result  of  these  two  influences,  the  one 
working  on  the  farm,  and  the  other  in  the  cities?  It 
is  precisely  what  the  Protocol  says  it  will  be:  In- 
creased wages  that  buy  less  of  the  materials  of  life — 
"we  will  at  the  same  time  cause  a  rise  in  the  prices  of 


184  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

prime  necessities,  pretending  that  this  is  due  to  the  de- 
cline of  agriculture  and  cattle  raising." 

The  Jew  who  set  these  Protocols  in  order  was  a 
financier,  economist  and  philosopher  of  the  first  order. 
He  knew  what  he  was  talking  about.  His  operations 
in  the  ordinary  world  of  business  always  indicated  that 
he  knew  exactly  what  he  was  doing.  How  well  this 
Sixth  Protocol  has  worked  and  is  still  working  out  in 
human  affairs  is  before  the  eyes  of  everyone  to  see. 

Here  in  the  United  States  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant movements  toward  real  independence  of  the  finan- 
cial powers  has  been  begun  by  the  farmers.  The  farm- 
ers' strong  advantage  is  that,  owning  the  land,  he  is 
independent  in  his  sources  of  livelihood.  The  land 
1  will  feed  him  whether  he  pleases  International  Jewish 
Financiers  or  not.  His  position  is  impregnable  as  long 
as  the  sun  shines  and  the  seasons  roll.  It  was  there- 
fore necessary  to  do  something  to  hinder  this  budding 
independence.  He  was  placed  under  a  greater  dis- 
advantage than  any  other  business  man  in  borrowing 
capital.  He  was  placed  more  ruthlessly  than  any 
other  producer  between  the  upper  and  nether  stones  of 
a  thievish  distribution  system.  Labor  was  drawn 
away  from  the  farm.  The  Jew-controlled  melodrama 
made  the  farmer  a  "rube,"  and  Jew-made  fiction  pre- 
sented him  as  a  "hick,"  causing  his  sons  to  be  ashamed 
of  farm  fife.  The  grain  syndicates  which  operate 
against  the  farmer  are  Jew-controlled.  There  is  no 
longer  any  possibility  of  doubting,  when  the  facts  of 
actual  affairs  are  put  alongside  the  written  Program, 
that  the  farmer  of  the  United  States  has  an  interest  in 
this  Question. 

What  would  this  World  Program  gain  if  the  wage- 
workers  were  enslaved  and  the  farmers  were  allowed  to 
go  scot-free?  Therefore  the  program  of  agricultural 
interference  which  has  been  only  partially  outlined 
here. 

But  this  is  not  all. 

Any  writer  who  attempts  fully  to  inform  the  Gen- 
tile mind  on  the  Jewish  Question  must  often  feel  that 
the  extent  of  the  Protocols'  Conspiracy  is  so  great  as 
to  stagger  the  Gentile  mind.  Gentiles  are  not  con- 
spirators. They  cannot  follow  a  clue  through  long  and 
devious  and  darkened  channels.     The  elaborate  com- 


HOW   "JEWISH   QUESTION"  TOUCHES  THE   FARM       185 

pleteness  of  the  Jewish  Program,  the  perfect  co-ordi- 
nation of  its  mass  of  details  wearies  the  Gentile  mind. 
This,  really  more  than  the  daring  of  the  Program  itself, 
constitutes  the  principal  danger  of  Program  being  ful- 
filled. Gentile  mental  laziness  is  the  most  powerful 
ally  the  World  Program  has. 

For  example:  after  citing  the  perfectly  obvious 
coincidence  and  most  probable  connection  between  the 
Protocols  and  the  observable  facts  with  reference  to 
the  farm  situation,  the  writer  is  compelled  to  say,  as 
above,  "But  this  is  not  all."  And  it  is  a  peculiarity 
of  Gentile  psychology  that  the  Gentile  reader  will  feel 
that  it  ought  to  be  all  because  it  is  so  complete.  This 
is  where  the  Jewish  mind  out-maneuvers  the  Gentile 
mind. 

Gentiles  may  do  a  thing  for  one  reason:  the  Jew 
often  does  the  same  thing  for  three  or  four  reasons. 
The  Gentile  can  understand  thus  far  why  Jewish 
financiers  should  seek  control  of  the  land  in  order  to 
prevent  widespread  Agricultural  Independence  which, 
as  Protocol  Six  says,  would  be  "harmful  to  us."  That 
reason  is  perfectly  clear. 

But  there  is  another.  It  is  found  in  the  Twelfth 
Protocol.  It  contemplates  nothing  less  than  the  play- 
ing of  City  against  Country  in  the  great  game  now 
being  exposed.  Complete  control  over  the  City  by  the 
industrial  leverage,  and  over  the  Country  by  the  debt 
leverage,  will  enable  the  Hidden  Players  to  move  first 
the  Countrj^  by  saying  that  the  City  demands  certain 
things,  and  then  move  the  City  by  saying  that  the 
Country  demands  certain  things,  thus  splitting  Citi- 
zens and  Farmers  apart  and  using  them  against  one 
another. 

Look  at  the  plainness  and  the  boldness,  yet  the 
calm  assut-ance,  with  which  this  plan  is  broached: 
"Our  calculations  reach  out,  especially  into  the 
country  districts.  There  we  must  necessarily 
arouse  those  interests  and  ambitions  which  we  can 
always  turn  against  the  city,  representing  them  to 
the  cities  as  dreams  and  ambitions  for  independence 
on  the  part  of  the  provinces.  It  is  clear  that  the 
source  of  this  will  be  precisely  the  same,  and  that 
it  will  come  from  us.  It  will  be  necessary  for  us 
before  we  have  attained  full  power  to  so  arrange 


186  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

matters  that,  from  time  to  time,  the  cities  shall  come 
under  the  influence  of  opinion  in  the  country  dis- 
tricts, that  is,  of  the  majority  prearranged  by  our 
agents     *     *     *" 
The  preliminaries  of  the  game  are  here  set  forth — 
to  jockey  City  and  Farm  against  each  other,  that  in 
the  end  the  Conspirators  may  use  whichever  proves 
the  stronger  in  putting  the  Plan  over.     In  Russia, 
both  schemes  have  been  worked.     The  old  regime,  es- 
tablished in  the  Cities,  was  persuaded  to  lay  down 
power  because  it  was  made  to  believe  that  the  peasants 
of  Russia  requested  it.     Then,  when  the  Bolshevists 
seized  power,  they  ruled  the  peasantry  on  the  ground 
that  the  Cities  wanted  it.     The  Cities  listened  to  the 
Country,  now  the  Country  is  listening  to  the  Cities. 

If  you  see  any  attempt  made  to  divide  City  and 
Farm  into  antagonistic  camps,  remember  this  para- 
graph from  the  Twelfth  Protocol.  Already  the  poison 
is  working.  Have  you  never  heard  that  Prohibition 
was  something  which  the  backwoods  districts  forced 
upon  the  cities?  Have  you  never  heard  that  the  High 
Cost  of  Living  was  due  to  extravagant  profits  of  the 
farmer? — profits  which  he  doesn't  get. 

One  big  dent  in  this  Program  of  World  Control 
could  be  made  if  the  Citizen  and  the  Farmer  could 
learn  each  other's  mind,  not  through  self-appointed 
spokesmen,  but  directly  from  each  other.  City  and 
Farm  are  drifting  apart  because  of  misrepresentation 
of  outsiders,  and  in  the  widening  rift  the  sinister 
shadow  of  the  World  Program  appears. 

Let  the  Farmers  look  past  the  "Gentile  fronts"  in 
their  villages  or  principal  trading  points,  past  them 
to  the  real  controllers  who  are  hidden. 


Usoe  oi  September  4,  1920. 


XVII. 


Does  Jewish  Power  Control  the 
World  Press? 

THE  purpose  of  this  article  is  twofold:  to  set  forth 
what  the  Protocols  have  to  say  about  the  relation 
'of  the  Press  to  the  World  Program,  and  to  make  an  in- 
troduction to  a  study  of  Jewish  influence  on  the  Press. 

The  Jewish  race  has  always  been  aware  of  the  ad- 
vantages to  be  derived  from  news.  This  was  one  of 
the  factors  in  its  control  of  European  commerce  from 
the  earliest  Christian  times.  To  be  informed  before- 
hand, to  know  what  was  coming  before  the  Gentiles 
among  whom  they  lived  knew  it,  was  a  special  privilege 
of  the  Jews,  made  possible  by  the  close  communication 
in  which  widely  separated  Jewish  groups  kept  them- 
selves. From  the  first  they  were  inveterate  corre- 
spondents. They  were  the  inventors  of  the  news-letter. 

This  does  not  imply,  however,  that  the  Jews  were 
the  forerunners  or  even  the  sponsors  of  the  modern 
Press.  It  was  no  part  of  their  purpose  to  distribute 
news  among  the  people,  but  to  keep  it  for  themselves 
as  a  secret  advantage.  The  political,  economic  and 
commercial  news  which  sped  with  really  remarkable 
facility  throughout  Europe,  from  Jewish  community  to 
Jewish  community,  was  in  reality  the  official  budget  by 
which  each  community  informed  all  the  others  of  what 
was  transpiring,  a^  to  war,  trade  current's,  rising 
emergencies,  or  whatever  the  matter  may  have  been. 
For  centuries  the  Jews  were  the  best  informed  people 
on  the  continent;  from  their  secret  sources  in  courts 
and  chancellories,  from  privileged  Jews  who  were 
placed  in  every  position  of  vantage,  the  whole  race 
was  informed  of  the  state  of  the  world. 

Scouts  were  kept  in  motion  everywhere.  Far  down 
in  South  America,  before  the  British  or  Dutch  colonies 
in  North  America  had  hardly  secured  a  foothold,  there 
were  Jews  who  served  as  outposts  for  European  trade 
interests.  The  world  was  spied  out  in  the  interests  of 
their  race,  just  as  today  the  entire  planet  is  under  the 
watchful  eyes  of  Jewish  agents — mostly  Gentiles,  it 
must  be  said — for  any  hint  of  new  gold  discoveries. 


188  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

An  interesting  and  historic  illustration  of  the  Jews' 
appreciation  of  news  is  to  be  found  in  the  career  of 
Nathan  Rothschild.  Rothschild  had  laid  all  his  plans 
on  the  assumption  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  then 
banished  to  Elba,  was  finally  eliminated  from  Euro- 
pean affairs.  Napoleon  unexpectedly  returned,  and 
in  the  "Hundred  Daj^s"  it  seemed  as  if  the  Rothschild 
financial- edifice  might  collapse.  Feverishly  the  finan- 
cier aided  both  Prussia  and  England,  and  as  the  Battle' 
of  Waterloo  approached,  no  one  was  more  interested  in 
the  outcome  than  he. 

Rothschild  was  a  man  who  shrank  from  the  sight 
of  blood;  he  was  physically  a  coward,  and  any  sign  of 
violence  unnerved  him;  but  so  intense  was  his  interest 
in  the  battle  on  which  his  whole  fortune  seemed  to  de- 
pend, that  he  hastened  to  France,  followed  the  British 
Army,  and  when  the  battle  began  he  hid  himself  in 
"some  shot-proof  nook  near  Hougomont"  where  he 
watched  all  day  the  ebb  and  flow  of  battle.  Just  be- 
fore Napoleon  ordered  the  last  desperate  charge  Roths- 
child had  made  up  his  mind.  He  said  afterward  that 
his  exclamation  at  this  point  was,  "The  House  of 
Rothschild  has  won  the  battle." 

He  hurried  from  the  field,  galloped  wildly  to  Brus- 
sels, communicating  not  a  word  of  what  he  knew  to 
the  anxious  people  he  met  by  the  way.  Hiring  a  car- 
riage at  an  exorbitant  price,  he  galloped  away  to 
Ostend.  Here  a  fierce  storm  was  raging  on  the  ocean 
and  no  sailor  was  willing  to  set  out  for  England,  about 
20  miles  away.  Rothschild  himself,  always  afraid  of 
danger,  forgot  his  fear  in  his  visions  of  the  stock  mar- 
ket. He  offered  500,  800,  and  at  length  1,000  francs 
to  the  man  who  would  take  him  across.  But  no  one 
dared.  Finally  one  sailor  proposed  that  if  Rothschild 
would  pay  2,000  francs  into  his  wife's  hands,  he  would 
attempt  it. 

Half  dead  the  two  men  reached  the  English  coast, 
but  without  rest  Rothschild  ordered  express  post  and 
hurried  away  to  London.  Whip  and  spur  were  not 
spared  on  that  journey. 

There  were  no  telegrams  in  those  days,  no  swift 
communication.  England  was  anxious.  The  rumors 
were  bad.  And  on  the  morning  of  June  20,  1815,  when 
Nathan  Rothschild  appeared  in  his  usual  place  at  the 


DOES    JEWISH    POWER    CONTROL    THE    PRESS?  189 

Stock  Exchange  and  leaned  against  the  column,  En- 
gland knew  nothing  of  what  he  knew.  He  was  pale 
and  broken.  The  sight  of  his  face  led  the  other  finan- 
ciers to  believe  that  he  had  received  bad  news  from 
the  front.  Then  it  was  seen  that  he  was  quietly  selling 
his  securities.  What?  Rothschild  unloading?  The 
market  dropped  disastrously,  a  very  panic  seized  the 
financiers,  the  market  was  flooded  with  consols  offered 
for  sale — and  all  that  was  offered,  Rothschild's  agents 
bought! 

So  it  went  on,  all  day  the  20th,  and  all  day  the  21st. 
At  the  close  of  business  the  second  day,  Rothschild's 
heavy  chests  were  crammed  with  securities.  Then  in 
the  evening  a  courier  galloped  into  London  with  the 
news  that  Wellington  had  won  and  Napoleon  was  a 
fugitive.  But  Nathan  Rothschild  had  made  $10,000,- 
000  and  the  men  he  did  business  with  had  lost  that 
much — all  as  an  affair  of  news ! 

There  was  a  little  incident  in  Washington  during 
the  war — a  "leak"  of  news,  it  was  called.  The  wise 
men  of  Wall  Street  sometimes  whisper  that  even  be- 
tween 1914-1918  there  were  men  of  Rothschild's  race 
who  showed  his  same  appreciation  of  "news,"  with  the 
same  profitable  results.  And  not  only  the  men  of 
"Rothschild's  race,"  but  some  of  their  "Gentile  fronts," 
also. 

There  were  times  during  the  war  when  no  Gentile 
knew  what  was  going  on  in  certain  countries.  The 
Jewish  leaders  always  knew.  Some  very  interesting 
testimony  can  be  presented  on  that  point. 

Aside  from  its  own  interest,  this  Rothschild  narra- 
tive fully  illustrates  the  statement  that  while  the  Jews 
were  very  early  news-gatherers,  they  were  not  publi- 
cists. They  used  the  news  for  their  own  benefit;  they 
did  not  disseminate  it.  If  it  had  depended  on  their 
influence,  there  would  have  been  no  public  Press  at  all. 
It  was  in  France,  which  had  no  newspapers  outside  the 
capital,  that  the  French  Revolution  was  possible. 
There  being  no  reliable  exchange  of  news  and  opinion, 
the  people  were  kept  in  ignorance.  Paris  itself  did  not 
know  that  the  Bastille  had  fallen  until  next  day. 
Where  there  is  no  Press,  minorities  easily  gain  control 
— as  the  Jewish-Bolshevist  revolution  in  Russia 
illustrates. 


190  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

One  of  the  most  dangerous  developments  of  the 
time  is  public  distrust  of  the  Press.  If  the  day  ever 
comes  v/hen  swift,  reliable  and  authoritative  communi- 
cation with  the  entire  people  shall  be  necessary  for 
public  action  in  the  interests  of  public  safety,  the 
nation  may  find  itself  sadly  crippled  unless  a  new  con- 
fidence in  the  daily  Press  can  be  built  up.  If  for  no 
other  reason  than  that  a  free  press  is  a  safeguard 
against  minority  seizure  of  control,  such  laws  as  the 
zone  laws,  or  any  restrictions  on  the  freest  and  fullest 
communication  between  various  parts  of  the  country, 
should  be  absolutely  abolished. 

But,  the  Press  being  in  existence,  and  being  largely 
an  Anglo-Saxon  creation,  it  is  a  force  not  to  be  treated 
lightly,  and  that  is  the  point  where  the  World  Program 
and  Jewish  Control  come  in  contact  with  it. 

The  Protocols,  which  overlook  nothing,  propose  a 
very  definite  plan  with  regard  to  the  Press.  As  in  the 
multitude  of  other  matters  with  which  these  remark- 
able documents  deal,  there  are  the  two  phases — "what 
we  have  done,"  and  ''what  we  will  do." 

As  early  as  the  Second  Protocol,  the  Press  comes 
in  for  attention.  It  is  significant  that  it  makes  its  ap- 
pearance in  the  same  Protocol  in  which  the  "No  An- 
nexations" program  was  announced  20  years  before 
the  World  War,  in  the  same  Protocol  in  which  it  is 
announced  that  Gentile  rulers  will  be  allowed  to  appear 
before  the  people  for  a  short  period,  while  Jewish  in- 
fluences were  organizing  themselves  behind  the  seats 
of  power,  and  in  the  same  Protocol  where  Darwinism, 
Marxism  and  Nietzscheism  are  claimed  among  the 
most  "demoralizing"  doctrines  which  Jewish  influence 
has  disseminated.  These  are  very  curious  statements, 
but  not  stranger  than  the  actuality  that  has  come  to 
pass. 

Says  the  Second  Protocol: 

"There  is  one  great  force  in  the  hands  of  mod- 
ern governments,  which  creates  thought  move- 
ments among  the  people,  that  is,  the  Press.  The 
presumed  role  of  the  Press  is  to  indicate  sup- 
posedly indispensable  needs,  to  register  popular 
complaints,  and  to  create  discontent.  The  tri- 
umph of  'free  speech'  (babbling)  rests  in  the 
Press.     But  governments  are  unable  to  profit  by 


DOES    JEWISH    POWER    CONTROL    THE    PRESS?  191 

this   power,    and   it   has  fallen   into   our   hands. 
Through  it  ice  have  attained  influence  while  remain- 
ing in  the  shadow.     Thanks  to  it,  we  have  amassed 
gold,  though  it  has  cost  us  torrents  of  blood  and 
tears  J" 
In  the  same  Protocol  '^our  Press"  is  spoken  of  as  the 
agency  through  which  are  disseminated  "those  theories 
of  life  which  we  have  induced  them  (the  Gentiles)  to 
regard  as  the  dictates  of  science." 

"To  this  end  we  shall  certainly  endeavor  to  in- 
spire blind  confidence  in  these  theories  by  means  of 
our  Press." 
Then  follows  the  claim  made  concerning  the  three 
most  revolutionary  theories  in  the  physical,  economic 
and  moral  realms,  namely,  Darwinism,  Marxism  and 
Nietzscheism. 

In  the  Third  Protocol  the  claim  is  made  that  this 
control  of  the  Press  is  being  used  to  break  down  re- 
spect for  authority: 

^'Daring  journalists  and  audacious  pamphlet- 
eers make  daily  attack  upon  the  personnel  of  the  ad- 
ministration.     This  abuse  of  authority  is  definitely 
preparing   the   downfall   of   all   institutions,   and 
everything  will  be  overturned  by  blows  coming 
from  the  infuriated  populace." 
Again,   in  the   Seventh   Protocol,   discussing   the 
progress  which  the  World  Program  has  already  made, 
the  part  played  by  the  Press  is  indicated : 

"We  must  force  the  Gentile  governments  to 
adopt  measures  which  will  promote  our  broadly 
conceived  plan  already  approaching  its  triumphal 
goal,  by  bringing  to  bear  the  pressure  of  stimulated 
public  opinion,  which  has  in  reality  been  organized 
by  us  icith  the  help  of  the  so-called  ^ great  power^  of 
the   Press.     With  few   exceptions   not   worth   con- 
sidering, it  is  already  in  our  hands." 
Thus  twice  is  the  claim  made  to  control  of  the 
Press.     "It  has  fallen  into  our  hands,"  says  the  Second 
Protocol.     "It  is  already  in  our  hands,"   says  the 
Seventh.     In  the  Second  Protocol  the  Press  is  repre- 
sented as  furthering  revolutionary  physical,  economic 
and  moral  philosophies;  while  in  the  Seventh  it  is  used 
to  create  the  "pressure  of  stimulated  public  opinion" 


192  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

for  the  purpose  of  "forcing  Gentile  governments  to 
adopt  measures  which  will  promote  our  broadly  con- 
ceived plan,  already  approaching  its  triumphant  goal." 
A  word  of  comment  may  be  made  here  upon  the 
claim  of  the  Second  Protocol  that  "thanks  to  it  (the 
Press),  we  have  amassed  gold,  though  it  has  cost  us 
torrents  of  blood  and  tears." 

This  is  a  statement  which  can  be  illustrated  in 
many  ways.  "Though  it  has  cost  us  torrents  of  blood 
and  tears"  is  an  admission  upon  which  the  Protocols 
throw  light,  a  light  which  also  shines  upon  the  Jewish 
argument  regarding  responsibility  for  the  recent  war, 
namely,  that  Jewish  World  Financial  Power  could  not 
have  willed  the  war  seeing  that  Jews  suffered  so  heavily 
in  Eastern  Europe.  The  Protocols  frankly  recognize 
the  possibility  of  Jews  suffering  during  the  establish- 
ment of  the  World  Program,  but  it  consoles  them  with 
the  thought  that  they  fall  as  soldiers  for  the  good  of 
Israel.  The  death  of  a  Jew,  we  are  told  in  the  Proto- 
cols, is  more  precious  in  the  sight  of  God  than  the 
death  of  a  thousand  "seed  of  cattle,"  which  is  one  of 
the  delicate  names  applied  to  the  Gentiles. 

The  reference  to  the  amassment  of  gold  is  very 
clear.  It  does  not  apply  to  ownership  of  publications 
and  a  share  in  their  profits  only,  but  also  the  use  that 
may  be  made  of  them  through  silence  or  outcry  to  pro- 
mote International  Jewish  Financiers'  schemes.  The 
Rothschilds  bought  editors  as  they  bought  legislators. 
It  was  a  preliminary  of  nearly  every  scheme  they 
floated  to  first  "fix"  the  newspapers,  either  for  silence 
or  clacque  boosting.  In  matters  of  war  and  peace;  in 
the  removal  of  administrations  inimical  to  Jewish, 
financial  or  political  plans;  in  the  elimination  by  pub- 
Uc  exposure  of  "Gentile  fronts"  whom  their  Jewish 
masters  wished  to  be  rid  of;  in  the  gradual  building  up 
of  reputation  and  influence  for  "rising  men"  who  had 
been  chosen  for  work  in  the  future — in  these  and  like 
matters  the  Press  very  greatly  aided  the  International 
Cabal  in  attaining  its  end. 

All  the  details  of  the  foregoing  paragraph  can  be 
illustrated  at  length  by  instances  which  have  occurred 
in  the  United  States  within  the  past  15  years. 

There  was  once  a  Senator  of  the  United  States  who 
— but  that  story  illustrates  another  point  also,  and 


DOES    JEWISH    PdWER    CONTROL    THE    PRESS?  193 

will  be  reserved  until  that  point  is  reached  in  this 
series  of  discussions. 

The  Twelfth  Protocol,  however,  contains  the  entire 
plan  of  Control  of  the  Press,  reaching  from  the  present 
time  into  the  future  when  the  Jewish  World  Govern- 
ment shall  be  established.  The  reader  is  invited  to 
read  carefully  and  thoughtfully  the  deep  and  wide  out- 
reaching  of  this  plan. 

Keep  also  in  mind  the  boast  that  has  been  made  for 
generations  that  no  publication  that  has  handled  the 
Jewish  Question  in  a  manner  distasteful  to  the  Jewish 
powers  has  been  allowed  to  live. 

"What  role  is  played  at  present  by  the  Press? 
It  serves  to  inflame  the  passions  of  selfish  partisan- 
ship which  our  interests  require.     It  is  shallow, 
lying  and  unfair,  the  most  people  do  not  under- 
stand what  end  it  serves." 
In  that  quotation  we  have  the  same  low  estimate 
which  was  noted  when  we  studied  "the  estimate  of  hu- 
man nature"  which  the  Protocols  contain. 

Now,  for  the  Plan  of  Press  Control :  We  separate 
the  points  for  convenience: 

"We  shall  handle  the  Press  in  the  following 
manner: 

1.  "We  shall  saddle  it  and  keep  tight  rein 
upon  it.  We  shall  do  the  same  also  with  other 
printed  matter,  for  of  what  use  is  it  to  rid  our- 
selves of  attacks  in  the  Press,  if  we  remain  ex- 
posed to  criticism  through  pamphlets  and  books?" 

2.  "Not  one  announcement  will  reach  the  'people 
save  under  our  supervision.  We  have  attained  this 
at  the  present  time  to  the  exteyit  that  all  news  is  re- 
ceived through  several  agencies  in  which  it  is  central- 
ized fi-om  all  parts  of  the  loorld." 

A  sidelight  on  the  first  sentence  above  may  be  had 
from  this  Jewish  statement  regarding  the  British  Dec- 
laration relating  to  Palestine:  "This  Declaration  was 
sent  ffom  the  Foreign  Office  to  Lord  Walter  Rothschild. 
*  *  *  It  came  perhaps  as  a  surprise  to  large  sec- 
tions of  the  Jewish  people  *  *  *  Bq^  to  those 
who  were  active  in  Zionist  circles,  the  declaration  was 
no  surprise.  *  *  *  Jhe  icording  of  it  came  from  the 
British  Foreign  Office,  but  the  text  had  been  revised  in  the 
Zionist  offices  in  America  as  well  as  in  England.      The 


194  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

British  Declaration  was  made  in  the  form  in  which  the 
Zionists  desired  it.  *  *  *"  pp.  85-86,  "Guide  to 
Zionism,"  by  Jessie  E.  Sampler,  published  by  the 
Zionist  Organization  of  America. 

3.     "Literature  and  journalism  are  two  most 
important  educational  forces,  and  consequently 
our  government  will  become  the  owner  of  most  of 
the  journals.    *     *     *     jj  y^g  'permit  ten  private 
journals,  we  shall  organize  thirty  of  our  own,  and  so 
on.     This  must  not  be  suspected  by  the  public,  for 
which  reason  all  the  journals  published  by  us  will  be 
EXTERNALLY  of  the  most  contrary  opinions  and 
tendencies  thus  evoking  confidence  in  them  and  at- 
tracting our  unsuspecting  opponents,  who  thus  will 
be  caught  in  our  trap  and  rendered  harmless." 
This  is  most  interesting  in  view  of  the  defense  now 
being  made  by  so  many  Jewish  journals.     "Look  at 
the  newspapers  owned  and  controlled  by  Jews,"  they 
say;  "see  how  they  differ  in  policy!     See  how  they  dis- 
agree with  each  other!"  Certainly,  "externally,"  as 
Protocol  12  says,  but  the  underlying  unity  is  never 
hard  to  find. 

Besides,  one  way  of  discovering  who  are  the  people 
that  have  knowledge  of  the  Jewish  World  Problem,  or 
who  can  be  convinced  of  it,  or»who  will  write  about  it, 
is  just  to  start  a  paper  which  "externally"  seems  to  be 
independent  on  the  Jewish  Question.  So  deeply  is  this 
thought  shared  by  even  uneducated  Jews  that  a  rumor 
is  today  widespread  in  the  United  States  that  the 
reason  for  the  present  series  of  articles  in  The  Dear- 
born Independent  is  the  desire  of  its  owner  to  for- 
ward the  Jewish  World  Program!  Unfortunately, 
this  scheme  of  starting  a  fake  opposition  in  order  to 
discover  where  the  real  opposing  force  is,  is  not  con- 
fined to  the  Jewish  Liternationalists,  although  there  is 
every  indication  that  it  was  learned  from  them. 

This  idea  of  a  misrepresentative  front  for  certain 
secret  purposes  is  expressed  at  length  not  only  with 
reference  to  the  Press,  but  throughout  the  Protocols 
in  other  relations  But  in  Protocol  12  it  is  fully  de- 
veloped with  regard  to  the  Press,  as  the  following 
quotations  show. 

(a)  In  order  to  force  writers  into  such  long  pro- 
ductions that  no  one  will  read  them,  a  tax  on  writing 


DOES    JEWISH    POWER    CONTROL    THE    PRESS?         195' 

is  proposed — "on  books  of  less  than  30  pages  a  double 
tax."  Small  articles  are  most  feared.  Therefore 
doubly  tax  the  pamphlets  of  less  than  30  pages.  The 
longer  articles  fewer  will  read,  so  the  Protocols  argue, 
and  the  double  tax  will  thus  "force  writers  into  such 
long  productions  that  they  will  be  little  read,  especially 
as  they  will  be  expensive." 
BUT— 

"That  which  we  ourselves  shall  publish  for 
directing  the  public  mind  will  be  cheap  and  widely 
read.  The  tax  will  discourage  mere  literary 
ambition,  whereas  the  fear  of  punishment  will 
make  the  writers  subservient  to  us.  Even  if  there 
should  he  those  who  may  desire  to  write  against 
MS,  no  one  will  publish  their  writings.^'  (How 
many  American  writers  know  this !) 

"Before  accepting  any  work  for  printing,  the 
publisher  or  printer  must  obtain  permission  from 
the  authorities.     Thus  ice  shall  know  in  advance 
what  attacks  are  being  prepared  against  us  and 
shall   be   able  to  counteract  them   by  coming   out 
beforehand  loith  explanations  on  the  subject." 
That  is  largely  the  situation  today.     They  do  know 
in  advance  what  is  being  done,  and  they  do  seek  to 
disarm  it  beforehand. 

(b)     Here  are  the  Three  Degrees  of  Jewish  Jour- 
nalism which  are  not  only  stated  in  the  Protocols  but 
are  observable  in  the  everyday  world  of  the  present. 
"The  leading  place  will  be  held  by  organs  of 
an  official   character.     They  will  always  stand 
guard  over  our  interests  and  consequently  their 
influence  will  be  comparatively  small. 

"The  second  place  will  be  held  by  semi-of- 
ficial organs  whose  aim  it  will  be  to  attract  the 
indifferent  and  lukewarm. 

"In  the  third  category  we  shall  place  organs 
of  apparent  opposition.  At  least  one  will  be  ex- 
tremely antagonistic.  Our  true  opponents  will 
mistake  this  seeming  opposition  as  belonging  to 
their  own  group  and  will  thus  show  us  their 
cards. 

"I  beg  you  to  notice  that  among  those  who  at- 
tack us  there  will  be  organs  founded  by  us,  and 


196  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

they  will  attack  exclusively  those  points  which 
we  plan  to  change  or  eliminate. 

"All  our  papers  will  support  most  diverse 
opinions:  aristocratic,  republican,  even  anarchist, 
so  long  of  course  as  the  Constitution  lives.  *  * 
These  fools  who  believe  they  are  repeating  the 
opinions  expressed  by  their  party  newspapers  will 
be  repeating  our  opinions  or  those  things  which 
we  wish  them  to  think. 

"By  always  discussing  and  contradicting  our 
writings  superficially,  and  ivithout  touching  upon 
their  essence,  our  press  will  keep  up  a  blank  fire 
against  the  official  newspapers,  only  to  give  us 
opportunity  to  express  ourselves  in  greater  de- 
tail than  we  could  in  our  first  declaration.  This 
will  be  done  when  useful  to  us. 

"These  attacks  will  also  convince  the  people  of 
the  full  freedom  of  the  press,  and  it  will  give 
our  agents  the  opportunity  of  declaring  that  the 
papers  opposing  us  are  mere  wind-bags,   since 
they  cannot  find  any  real  arguments  to  oppose 
our  orders." 
Undoubtedly  that  would  be  the  case  were  all  the 
papers  controlled.     In  the  case  of  the  present  series  of 
articles,  however,  the  tables  appear  to  be  turned.     It 
is  the  Jewish  Press  which  has  so  signally  failed  to 
bring  forward  disproof  either  by  fact  or  argument. 

"When  necessary,  we  shall  promulgate  ideas 
in  the  third  section  of  our  Press  as  feelers,  and 
then  refute  them  vigorously  in  the  semi-ofiicial 
press. 

"We  shall  overcome  our  opponents  without 
fail  because  they  will  not  have  organs  of  the 
Press  at  their  disposal. 

"The  pretext  for  suppressing  a  puhlication  will 
be  that  it  stirs  up  the  public  mind  without  basis 
of  reason" — a  pretext  which  has  already  been 
urged  time  and  again,  but  without  the  legal 
power  to  effect  suppression,  although  without 
legal  power  the  Jewish  interests  in  the  United 
States  have  effected  a  pretty  complete  suppres- 
sion of  everything  they  do  not  desire. 
How  far  does  Jewish  influence  control  the  News- 
papers of  the  United  States? 


DOES    JEWISH    POWER    CONTROL    THE    PRESS?         197 

In  SO  far  as  the  use  of  the  word  "Jew"  is  concerned, 
the  Press  is  almost  completely  dominated.  The  editor 
who  uses  it  is  certain  to  hear  from  it.  He  will  be 
visited  and  told — contrary  to  everything  the  Jew  is 
told — that  the  word  "Jew"  denotes  a  member  of  a 
religious  denomination  and  not  a  member  of  a  race, 
and  that  its  use  with  reference  to  any  person  spoken  of 
in  the  pubhc  prints  is  as  reprehensible  as  if  "Baptist," 
"Cathohc,"  or  "Episcopahan"  were  used. 

The  Jew  is  always  told  by  his  leaders  that  regard- 
less of  religion  or  country  of  birth,  he  is  a  Jew,  the 
member  of  a  race  by  virtue  of  blood.  Pages  of  this 
paper  could  be  filled  with  the  most  authoritative  Jewish 
statements  on  this  point.  But  what  the  Jew  is  told  by 
his  leaders,  and  what  the  Gentile  editor  is  told  by  the. 
Jewish  committee  are  two  different  and  antagonistic 
things.  A  Jewish  paper  may  shriek  to  the  skies  that 
Professor  So-and-So,  or  Judge  So-and-So,  or  Senator 
So-and-So  is  a  Jew;  but  the  secular  newspaper  that 
should  do  that  would  be  visited  by  an  indignant  com- 
mittee bearing  threats. 

A  certain  newspaper,  as  a  mere  matter  of  news, 
published  an  excerpt  from  one  of  The  Dearborn  In- 
dependent articles.  Next  day  a  number  of  advertis- 
ing accounts  (fropped  for  lack  of  copy.  Inquiry 
developed  the  fact  that  the  reticent  aldvertisers  were 
all  Jewish  firms  and  the  cause  of  their  action  was  the 
really  unimportant  excerpt  which  the  paper  published. 
It  developed  also  that  the  advertising  agent  who 
handled  all  the  advertising  for  those  Jewish  firms  was 
himself  a  Jew  who  also  held  an  office  in  a  Jewish  secret 
society,  which  office  was  concerned  exclusively  with 
the  control  of  newspapers  in  the  matter  of  Jewish 
publicity.  It  was  this  man  who  dealt  with  the  editor. 
A  lame  editorial  retraction  followed  which  faintly 
praised  the  Jews.  The  advertising  was  returned  to 
the  paper,  and  it  is  just  a  question  whether  that  editor 
was  rightly  handled  or  not.  Certainly  he  has  been 
made  to  feel  the  power.  But  the  diplomacy  of  it  was 
bad.  The  editor,  along  with  hundreds  of  others,  has 
only  been  given  the  proper  b-ackground  for  estimating 
the  Jewish  power  in  its  wider  reaches. 

This  is  not  to  say  that  every  editor  should  enter 
upon  a  campaign  to  expose  the  secret  power.     That  is 


198  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

a  matter  for  personal  decision.  Every  editor,  how- 
ever, is  so  situated  that  he  can  see  certain  things,  and 
he  ought  to  see  them,  note  them,  and  inwardly  digest 
them. 

Jewish  publicity  in  response  to  these  articles  is 
very  easy  to  get  in  almost  any  newspaper.  Some  have 
fallen  most  lamentably  for  lying  statements.  Others 
have  opened  their  columns  to  propaganda  sent  out 
from  Jewish  sources.  That  is  all  very  well.  But  the 
Gentile  interest  in  the  question  has  been  largely  ig- 
nored, even  in  cases  where  the  editors  are  awake  to 
the  whole  Question.  This  too  affords  a  vantage  from 
which  the  average  editor  can  view  what  is  transpiring 
in  this  country. 

If  a  list  of  the  Jewish  owners,  bondholders  and 
other  interests  in  our  newspapers  should  be  published, 
the  list  would  be  impressive.  But  it  would  not  ac- 
count for  the  widespread  control  of  the  Press  as  ob- 
served in  this  country.  Indeed,  it  would  be  unfair  in 
such  a  connection  as  this  to  list  some  of  the  Jewish- 
owned  newspapers  of  the  United  States,  because  their 
owners  are  fair  and  public-spirited  servants  of  the 
people. 

Actual  ownership  does  not  often  account  for  much 
in  a  newspaper.  Ownership  in  the  newspaper  busi- 
ness is  not  always  synonymous  with  control. 

If  you  wish  to  know  the  control  of  the  newspaper, 
look  to  its  attorney  and  the  interests  he  serves;  look  to 
the  social  connections  of  its  chief  editors;  look  to  the 
advertising  agents  who  handle  the  bulk  of  Jewish  ad- 
vertising; and  then  look  to  the  matter  of  the  paper's 
partisanship  or  independence  in  politics. 

Newspaper  control  of  the  Press  by  the  Jews  is  not 
a  matter  of  money.  It  is  a  matter  of  keeping  certain 
things  out  of  the  'public  mind  and  putting  certain  things 
into  it. 

One  absolute  condition  insisted  upon  with  the  daily 
Press  is  that  it  shall  not  identify  the  Jew,  mention  him, 
or  in  any  but  the  most  favorable  way  call  the  public's 
attention  to  his  existence. 

The  first  plea  for  this  is  based  on  "fairness,"  on  the 
false  statement  that  a  Jew  is  not  a  Jew  but  a  church 
member.  This  is  the  same  statement  which  Jewish 
agents  in  the  United  States  Government  have  used  for 


DOES    JEWISH    POWER    CONTROL    THE    PRESS?  199 

years  to  prevent  the  United  States  Government  from 
listing  the  Jews  in  any  racial  statistics.  It  is  in  direct 
contradiction  to  what  the  Jews  themselves  are  told. 
A  flabby  "fairness,"  a  sloppy  "broad-mindedness,"  a 
cry  of  "religious  prejudice,"  is  the  first  plea.  The  sec- 
ond is  a  sudden  cessation  of  Jewish  patronage.  The 
third  is  withdrawal  of  patronage  by  every  Gentile  con- 
cern that  is  under  the  grip  of  Jewish  financiers.  It  is 
a  mere  matter  of  brutal  bludgeoning.  And  the  fourth 
act,  in  a  community  thoroughly  blinded  to  the  Jewish 
Question,  is  the  collapse  of  the  offending  publication. 
Read  the  Jewish  Encyclopedia  for  a  list  of  some 
of  the  papers  which  dared  open  up  the  Question,  and 
ceased! 

When  old  Baron  Moses  Montefiore  said  at  Krakau: 
"What  are  j^ou  prating  about?    As  long  as  we 
do  not  have  the  press  of  the  whole  world  in  our 
hands,  everything  you  may  do  is  vain.     We  must 
control  or  influence  the  papers  of  the  whole  world 
in  order  to  blind  and  deceive  the  people." 
— he  knew  what  he  was  saying.     By  "blinding"  the 
people  he  only  meant  that  they  should  not  see  the  Jew, 
and  by  "deceiving"  them  he  only  meant  that  the  people 
should   think   certain   world   movements   meant   one 
thing  when  they  really  meant  another.     The  people 
may  be  told  what  happens:  they  may  not  be  told  what 
was  behind  it.     The  people  do  not  yet  know  why 
certain  occurrences  which  have  affected  their  whole 
lives,  should  have  occurred  at  all.     But  the  "why"  of 
it  is  very  definitely  known  in  certain  circles  whose  news 
service   never  sees   print,   and   sometimes   not  even 
writing. 

Statistics  as  to  the  space  given  the  Jews  by  news- 
papers concerning  the  things  they  want  to  get  into 
print  would  also  be  an  eye-opener.  A  minority  na- 
tion, they  get  more  publicity  than  any  ten  of  the  im- 
portant minor  nations  of  Europe — of  the  kind  of  pub- 
licity they  want! 

The  number  of  Jewish  contributors  to  the  Press  of 
the  United  States  makes  another  interesting  statistical 
bit.  It  would  be  sheer  prejudice  to  make  objection- 
able mention  of  many  Jewish  journalists  and  writers, 
and  they  come  within  the  scope  of  this  study  only  as 
they  have  shown  themselves  to  be  the  watchful  agents 


200  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

and  active  servants  of  the  System,  This  is  what 
many  of  them  are.  Not  the  ambitious  young  Jewish 
reporter  who  runs  around  the  streets  gathering  news, 
perhaps,  but  the  journaUst  at  the  seat  of  news  and  at 
the  necks  of  those  two  or  three  important  international 
runways  through  which  the  news  of  the  world  flows. 
The  whole  matter,  as  far  as  extent  of  control  is 
concerned,  could  be  visualized  on  a  map  of  the  United 
States,  by  means  of  colored  pins  showing  the  number 
of  Jewish-owned,  provably  Jewish-controlled  papers, 
and  the  number  of  Jewish  writers  who  are  directing 
the  majority  thought  of  the  various  sections  of  the 
country. 

The  Jewish  journalist  who  panders  to  unrest,  whose 
literary  ambition  is  to  maintain  a  ferment  in  his  read- 
ers, whose  humor  is  sordid  and  whose  philosophy  is  one 
of  negation;  as  well  as  the  Jewish  novelist  who  extols 
his  or  her  own  people  even  while  the  story  sows  subtle 
seeds  of  disruption  in  Gentile  social  or  economic  life 
must  be  listed  as  the  agents  of  that  World  Program 
which  would  break  down  society  through  the  agency  of 
"ideas".  And  it  is  very  striking  how  many  there  are, 
and  how  skillfully  they  conceal  their  propaganda  in 
their  work. 

Here  and  there  in  the  United  States  it  is  now  be- 
coming possible  to  print  the  word  "Jew"  in  the  head- 
lines of  an  article,  and  tell  the  Jewish  committee  which 
calls  the  next  day  that  this  as  yet  is  a  free  country. 
Quietly  a  number  of  newspapers  have  tested  the 
strength  of  this  assumed  control  in  their  communities, 
and  have  discounted  it. 

There  is  no  reason  for  fear  on  the  part  of  the 
editor  who  has  his  facts.  But  the  editor  who  backs 
down  will  more  and  more  feel  the  pressure  upon  him. 
The  man  who  courageously  and  fairly  holds  his  ground 
will  soon  learn  another  thing  that  is  not  so  generally 
known,  namely,  that  with  all  the  brilliance  there  is  a 
lot  of  bluff,  and  that  the  chain  of  control  once  broken 
is  felt  throughout  the  whole  system  as  a  blow. 

There  is  nothing  that  the  International  Jew  fears  so 
much  as  the  truth,  or  any  hint  of  the  truth  about  him- 
self or  his  plans.  And,  after  all,  the  rock  of  refuge 
and  defense,  the  foundation  of  endurance  for  Jew  or 
Gentile  must  be  the  Truth. 

laane  of  September  11,  1920. 


XVIII. 


Does  This  Explain  Jewish  Political 
Power? 


LITTLE  has  yet  been  said  in  this  commentary  on 
J  the  Protocols  about  the  poUtical  program  con- 
tained in  them.  It  is  desirable  that  the  points  be 
taken  separately  in  order  that  when  our  study  turns  to 
actual  conditions  in  this  country,  the  reader  may  be  in 
a  position  to  judge  whether  the  written  program  agrees 
with  the  acted  program  as  it  may  be  seen  all  about  us. 
The  World  Program  as  outlined  in  these  strange  docu- 
ments turns  upon  many  points,  some  of  which  have 
already  been  discussed.  Its  success  is  sought  (a)  by 
securing  financial  control  of  the  world,  this  having  al- 
ready been  secured  by  the  overwhelming  indebtedness 
of  every  nation  through  wars,  and  by  the  capitalistic 
(not  the  manufacturing  or  managerial)  control  of  in- 
dustry; (b)  by  securing  political  control,  which  is  easily 
illustrated  by  the  condition  of  every  civilized  country 
today;  (c)  by  securing  control  of  education,  a  control 
which  has  been  steadily  won  under  the  blinded  eyes  of 
the  people;  (d)  by  trivializing  the  public  mind  through 
a  most  complete  system  of  allurement  which  has  just 
brought  us  into  a  period  which  requires  the  new  word 
"jazz"  to  describe  it;  and  (e)  by  the  sowing  of  seeds  of 
disruption  everywhere — not  the  seeds  of  progress,  but 
of  economic  fallacies  and  revolutionary  temper.  All  of 
these  main  objectives  entail  various  avenues  of  action, 
none  of  which  has  been  overlooked  by  the  Protocols. 
In  leading  up  to  what  the  Protocols  have  to  say 
about  the  selection  and  control  of  Presidents,  it  will  be 
enlightening  to  take  the  views  which  these  documents 
express  about  other  phases  of  politics. 

It  may  be  very  interesting  to  those  Jewish  apolo- 
gists, who  in  all  their  pronouncements  never  discuss  the 
contents  of  the  Protocols,  to  know  that  so  far  from 
their  being  a  plea  for  monarchy,  they  arc  a  plea  for 
the  most  drastic  and  irresponsible  liberalism  in  gov- 
ernment. The  powers  behind  the  Protocols  appear  to 
have  absolute  confidence  in  what  they  can  do  with  the 


202  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

people  once  the  people  are  made  to  believe  that  popu- 
lar government  has  really  arrived. 

The  Protocols  believe  in  frequent  change.  They 
like  elections;  they  approve  frequent  revisions  of 
constitutions;  they  counsel  the  people  to  change  their 
representatives  often. 

Take  this  from  the  First  Protocol : 

"The  abstract  conception  of  Liberty  made  it 
possible  for  us  to  convince  the  crowd  that  gov- 
ernment is  only  the  management  for  the  owner 
of  the  country,  the  people,  and  that  the  steward 
can   he  changed  like  a  pair  of  worn-out  gloves. 
The  possibility  of  changing  the  representatives  of 
the  people  has  placed  them  at  our  disposal  and, 
as  it  were,  has  placed  them  in  our  power  as  crea- 
tures of  our  purposes." 
Note  also  how  this  Use  of  Change  is  buried  in 
this  paragraph  from  the  Fourth  Protocol  which  de- 
scribes the  evolution  of  a  Republic : 

"Every  republic  passes  through  several  stages. 
The  first  is  that  of  senseless  ravings,  resembling 
those  of  a  blind  man  throwing  himself  from  right 
to  left.     The  second  is  that  of  demagogy  which 
breeds  anarchy  and  inevitably  leads  to  despotism, 
not  of  a  legal,  open  and  consequently  responsible 
character,  but  an  ftnseen  and  unknown  despotism, 
felt  none  the  less  because  exercised  by  a  secret 
organization.     Such  a  despotism  acts  with  even 
less  scruple  because  it  is  hidden  under  cover  and 
works  behind  the  backs  of  various  agents,   the 
shifting  and  changing  of  which  will  not  harm  its 
secret  power,  but  serve  it,  since  such  changes  will 
relieve  the  organization  from  the  necessity  of 
expending    its    resources    on    rewards    for    long 
service." 
This  "changing"  of  servants  is  not  unknown  in  the 
United  States.     A  former  Senator  of  the  United  States 
could  easily  testify  to  this  if  he  only  knew  who  did  the 
"changing."     Time  was  when  he  was  the  tool  of  every 
Jewish  lobbyist  in  the  Senate.     His  glib  tongue  lent 
charm  and  plausibility  to  every  argument  they  wished 
to  advance  against  the  government's  intentions.     Se- 
cretly, however,  the  Senator  was  receiving  "favors" 
from  a  very  high  source,  "favors"  of  a  financial  char- 


]>OES   THIS    EXPLAIN   JEWISH   POLITICAL    POWER?     203 

acter.  The  time  came  when  it  was  desirable  to  "de- 
tach" the  Senator.  The  written  record  of  his  "favors" 
was  abstracted  from  its  place  of  supposed  secrecy,  a 
newspaper  system  that  has  always  been  the  ready 
organ  of  American  Jewry  made  the  exposure,  and  an 
indignant  public  did  the  rest.  It  could  not  have  been 
done  had  not  the  man  been  compromised  first;  it  could 
not  have  been  done  without  certain  newspaper  con- 
nivance; it  would  never  have  been  done  had  not  the 
Senator's  masters  wished  it.     However,  it  was  done. 

In  the  Fourteenth  Protocol,  which  begins  "When 
we  become  rulers,^'  it  is  pictured  how  hopeless  the  Gen- 
tile peoples  will  have  become  of  any  betterment  of  con- 
ditions through  changes  of  government,  and  therefore 
will  accept  the  promise  of  stability  which  the  Proto- 
colists  of  that  time  will  be  prepared  to  offer: 

"The  masses  will  become  so  satiated  with  the 
endless  changes  of  administration  which  we  insti- 
gated  among   the   Gentiles   when   we   were   under- 
mining their  governmental  institutions,  that  they 
will  tolerate  anything  from  us  *  *  *" 
The  official  who  is  changed  most  quickly  in  this 
country  is  the  man  who  questions  certain  matters 
which  come  from  Jewish  sources.     There  must  be  a 
small  army  of  such  men  in  the  United  States  today. 
Some  of  them  do  not  know  even  now  how  it  happen- 
ed.    Some  are  still  wondering  why  perfectly  legitimate 
and  patriotic  information  should  have  been  lost  in  an 
icy  silence  when  they  sent  it  in,  and  why  they  should 
have  lost  favor  for  sending  it. 

Protocol  Nine  is  full  of  the  most  amazing  claims, 
of  which  these  may  serve  as  illustration: 

"At  the  present  time,  if  any  government  raises 
a  protest  against  us,  it  is  only  for  the  sake  of 
form,  it  is  under  our  control,  and  it  is  done  by  our 
direction,  for  their  anti-Semitism  is  necessary  for 
keeping  in  order  our  lesser  brothers.     I  will  not 
explain   this  further   as   already   it   has   been   the 
subject  of  numerous  discussions  between  us." 
This  doctrine  of  the  usefulness  of  anti-Semitism 
and  the  desirability  of  creating  it  where  it  does  not 
exist  are  found  in  the  words  of  Jewish  leaders,  an- 
cient and  modern. 

"In  reality  there  are  no  obstacles  before  us. 


204  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

Our  super-government  has  such  an  extra-legal 
status  that  it  may  be  called  by  the  energetic  and 
strong  word — dictatorship.  I  can  conscientiously 
say  tliat  at  the  present  time  we  are  the  lawmakers." 
In  that  Protocol  this  claim  is  made: 

"De  facto,   we  have   already   eliminated   every 
government    except    our    own,    although    de   jure 
there  are  still  many  others  left." 
That  is  simple:  the  governments  still  exist,  under 
their  own  names,  having  authority  over  their  own 
people;  but  the  super-government  has  unchallenged 
influence  over  all  of  them  in  matters  pertaining  to  the 
Jewish  Nation  and  particularly  in  matters  pertaining 
to  the  purpose  of  The  International  Jew. 

The  Eighth  Protocol  shows  how  this  can  be: 
''For  the  time  being,  until  it  will  be  safe  to  give 
responsible    government    positions    to    our    brother 
Jews,  we  shall  entrust  them  to  people  whose  past 
and  whose  character  are  such  that  there  is  an  abyss 
between  them  and  the  people;  to  people,  for  whom, 
in  case  of  disobedience  to  our  orders,  there  will 
remain  only  trial  or  exile  (from  public  life),  thus 
forcing  them  to  protect  our  interest  to  their  last 
breath." 
In  the  Ninth  Protocol  again  is  this  reference  to 
party  funds: 

''The  division  i?ito  parties  has  placed  them  all 
at  our  disposal,  inasmuch  as  in  order  to  carry  on 
a  party   struggle   it  is   necessary   to   have  money, 
and  we  have  it  all." 
There  have  been  many  investigations  of  campaign 
funds.     None  has  ever  yet  gone  deep  enough  to  in- 
quire into  the  "international"  sources  of  these  funds. 
Now,  in  the  United  States  during  the  last  five  years 
we  have  seen  an  almost  complete  Judaized  adminis- 
tration in  control   of  all  the  war  activities  of  the 
American  people.     The  function  of  the  regularly  or- 
ganized United  States  Government  during  that  time 
was  practically  confined  to  the  voting  of  money.     But 
the  administration  of  the  business  end  of  the  war  was 
in  charge  of  a  government  within  a  government,  and 
this  inner,  extra  government  was  Jewish. 

It  is,  of  course,  often  asked  why  this  was  so.     The 
first  answer  given  is  that  the  Jews  who  were  immedi- 


DOES   THIS    EXPLAIN   JEWISH    POLITICAL    POWER?     205 

ately  placed  in  charge  of  the  business  administration 
of  the  war  were  competent  men,  the  most  competent 
men  who  could  be  found.  This  was  actually  the  an- 
swer given  to  an  inquiry  as  to  the  reason  for  so  large  a 
part  of  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United  States  depend- 
ing on  the  counsel  of  a  certain  group  of  Jews — they 
were  the  men  who  knew,  no  one  else  knew  so  much, 
.the  officials  chosen  by  the  people  had  a  right  to  select 
the  most  efficient  and  able  counsel  they  could  find. 

Very  well,  let  that  stand.  Let  the  explanation  be 
that  in  all  the  United  States,  Jews  were  the  only  per- 
sons to  be  found  who  could  handle  the  emergency  with 
masterly  ease.  We  shall  see  more  of  this  phase  of 
the  matter  at  another  time.  The  war  is  not  under  dis- 
cussion in  this  article,  merely  the  fact  that  in  an 
emergency  the  government  became  distinctly  Jewish. 
But  the  Second  Protocol  would  appear  to  throw  a 
little  light  on  the  matter: 

^^The   administrators  chosen   by   us  from  the 
masses    for    their    servility   will   not    he   persons 
trained   for    government,    and    consequently    they 
will  easily  become  pawns  in  our  game,  played  by 
our   learned    and    talented   counsellors,   specialists 
educated  from  early  childhood  to  administer  world 
affairs.     As  we  know,   our  specialists  have  been 
acquiring    the    necessary    knowledge   for    govern- 
ing  *  *  *" 
The  language  is  a  trifle  raw,  as  it  usually  is  when 
Gentiles  are  under  discussion.     But  the  same  fact, 
namely,  that  Jewish  specialists  have  come  to  the  aid 
of  Gentile  administrators  in  an  emergency,  when  utter- 
ed for  the  consideration  of  the  general  public,  may  be 
very  beautifully  phrased. 

The  untrained  Gentile  administrator  must  have 
help;  his  unpreparedness  makes  it  necessary.  And 
who  knows  it  better  than  those  who  have  the  help  to 
offer?  The  Gentile  public  has  been  taught  to  suspect 
the  man  who  has  had  experience  in  politics  or  govern- 
ment. This,  of  course,  makes  the  whole  situation 
doubly  easy  for  those  whose  specialty  it  is  to  give 
"aid."  Just  what  interests  they  aid  most  will  give, 
when  discovered,  a  strong  light  upon  their  zeal. 

But  in  all  that  the  Protocols  have  to  say  about  the 
political  angle  of  the  World  Program,  nothing  is  of 


206  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

SO  great  interest  as  that  which  concerns  the  selection 
and  control  of  Presidents.  The  whole  plan  is  outlined 
in  the  Tenth  Protocol.  The  fact  that  the  President 
of  France  seems  to  have  been  in  mind  is  a  localism; 
the  plan  is  applicable  elsewhere;  indeed  has  elsewhere 
its  most  perfect  illustration. 

This  Tenth  Protocol,  then,  leads  gradually  up  to 
the  subject,  tracing  the  evolution  of  rulers  from  Auto-, 
crat  to  President,  and  of  nations  from  Monarchies  to 
Republics. 

The  language  of  this  passage  is  particularly  objec- 
tionable, but  no  more  so  than  can  be  found  in  current 
Jewish  literature  where  boasting  of  power  is  indulged 
in.  Unpleasant  as  the  whole  attitude  is,  it  is  valuable 
as  showing  in  just  what  hght  the  supporters  of  the 
Protocol  Program  view  the  Gentiles  and  their  digni- 
ties. It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Jewish  ideal 
is  not  a  President,  but  a  Prince  and  a  King.  The  Jew- 
ish students  of  Russia  marched  the  streets  in  1918 
singing  this  hymn — 

"We  have  given  you  a  God; 
Now  we  will  give  you  a  King." 
The  new  flag  of  Palestine,  now  permitted  to  fly  with- 
out hindrance,  bears  insignia,  as  does  every  synagogue, 
of  a  Jewish  King.  The  Jewish  hope  is  that  the  Throne 
of  David  shall  be  set  up  again,  as  doubtless  it  will  be. 
None  of  these  things  is  to  be  decried  in  the  least,  nor 
to  be  regarded  with  anything  but  a  decent  respect,  but 
they  should  be  borne  in  mind  as  a  side  light  on  the 
expressed  contempt  for  Gentile  Presidents  and  Legis- 
latures. 

The  Tenth  Protocol  reaches  the  theme  of  Presi- 
dent thus: 

"Then  the  rise  of  the  repubhcan  era  became 
possible,  and  then  in  the  place  of  a  sovereign  "we 
substituted  a  caricature  of  him,  a  President  pick- 
ed from  the  crowd  *  *  *  Such  was  the  founda- 
tion of  the  mine  we  laid  underneath  the  Gentile 
people,  or  more  accurately,  tl^e  Gentile  peoples." 
It  is  with  something  of  a  shock  that  one  reads  that 
men  with  a  "past"  are  specially  favored  for  the  presi- 
dential office.     Men  with  a  "past"  have  become  Presi- 
dent in  various  countries,  including  the  United  States, 
there  is  no  doubt  of  that.     In  some  instances,  the  par- 


DOES  THIS    EXPLAIN  JEWISH   POLITICAL    POWER?     207 

ticular  scandal  that  constituted  the  "past"  has  been 
publicly  known;  in  other  cases  it  has  been  hushed  up 
and  lost  in  a  maze  of  rumor.  In  at  least  one  case  it 
was  made  the  special  property  of  a  syndicate  of  men 
who,  while  protecting  the  official  from  public  knowl- 
edge, compelled  him  to  pay  rather  stiffly  for  their 
service.  Men  with  a  "past"  are  not  uncommon,  and  it 
is  not  always  the  "past"  but  the  concealment  of  it  that 
concerns  them  most,  and  in  this  lack  of  frankness,  this 
distrust  of  the  understanding  and  mercy  of  the  people, 
they  usually  fall  into  another  slavery,  namely,  the 
slavery  of  political  or  financial  blarckmail. 

"We  will  manipulate  the  election  of  Presidents 
whose  past  contains  some  undisclosed  dark  affair, 
some  'Panama,'  then  they  will  be  faithful  execut- 
ors of  our  orders  from  fear  of  exposure  and  from 
the  natural   desire  of  every  man  who   has  at- 
tained a  position  of  authority  to  retain  the  priv- 
ileges,  emoluments  and  the   dignity  associated 
with  the  position  of  President." 
The  use  of  the  word  "Panama"  here  refers  to  the 
various  scandals  which  arose  in  French  political  cir- 
cles over  the  original  efforts  to  construct  the  Panama 
Canal.     If  the  present  form  of  the  Protocols  had  been 
written  at  a  later  date  they  might  have  referred  to  the 
"Marconi  wireless"  scandals  in  England — though  on 
second  thought,  they  would  not  have  done  so  because 
certain  men  were  involved  who  were  not  Gentiles. 
Herzl,  the  great  Jewish  Zionist  leader,  uses  the  expres- 
sion in  "The  Jewish  State."     Speaking  of  the  manage- 
ment of  the  business  of  Palestine  he  says  that  the  So- 
ciety of  the  Jews  "will  see  to  it  that  the  enterprise 
does  not  become  a  Panama  but  a  Suez."     That  the 
same  expression  should  occur  in  Herzl  and  in  the 
Protocols  is  significant;  it  has  also  another  significance 
which  will  be  described  at  another  time.     It  must  be 
clear  to  the  reader,  however,  that  no  one  writing  for 
the  general  public  at  this  day  would  refer  to  a  "Pana- 
ma" in  a  man's  past.     The  reference  would  not  be 
understood. 

It  is  this  practice  of  holding  a  man  under  obligation 
which  makes  it  needful  on  the  part  of  the  true  pub- 
licist to  tell  the  truth  and  the  whole  truth  about  as- 
pirants for  public  office.     It  is  not  enough  to  say  of  a 


208  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

candidate  that  he  "began  as  a  poor  boy"  and  then  be- 
came "successful."  How  did  he  become  successful? 
How  explain  the  "rise"  of  his  fortunes?  Sometimes 
the  clue  leads  deep  into  the  domestic  life  of  the  can- 
didate. It  may  be  told  of  a  man,  for  example,  that  he 
helped  another  out  of  a  scrape  by  marrying  the  woman 
involved,  and  received  a  sum  of  money  for  doing  so. 
It  may  be  told  of  another  that  he  was  implicated  by 
his  too  friendly  relations  with  another's  wife,  but  was 
relieved  of  his  predicament  by  the  astute  diplomacy 
of  powerful  friends,  to  whom  thereafter  he  felt  him- 
self in  debt  of  honor.  It  is  strange  that,  in  American 
affairs  at  least,  the  woman-note  is  predominant.  In 
our  higher  offices  that  has  more  frequently  occurred 
than  any  other,  oftener  than  the  money-note. 

In  European  countries,  however,  where  the  fact  of 
a  man's  being  entangled  illegitimately  with  a  woman 
does  not  carry  so  heavy  a  stamp  of  shame  with  it, 
the  controlled  men  have  been  found  to  have  "pasts"  of 
another  character. 

The  whole  subject  is  extremely  distasteful,  but 
truth  has  its  surgical  duties  to  perform,  and  this  is 
one  of  them.  When,  for  example,  a  pivotal  assem- 
blage like  that  of  the  Peace  Conference  is  studied,  and 
the  men  who  are  most  subject  to  Jewish  influence  are 
isolated,  and  their  past  history  is  carefully  traced, 
there  is  almost  no  difficulty  whatever  in  determining 
the  precise  moment  when  they  passed  over  into  that 
fateful  condition  which,  while  it  did  not  hinder  them 
of  public  honors  for  one  hour,  made  them  unchange- 
ably the  servants  of  a  power  the  public  did  not  see. 
The  puzzling  spectacle  which  the  observer  sees  of  the 
great  leaders  of  Anglo-Saxon  races  closely  surrounded 
and  continuously  counseled  by  the  princes  of  the 
Semitic  race,  is  explained  only  by  a  knowledge  of  those 
leaders'  "past"  and  those  words  of  the  Protocols- 
'^We  will  manipulate  the  election  of  Presidents  whose 
past  contains  some  undisclosed  dark  affair." 

And  where  this  Jewish  domination  of  officials  is 
glaringly  apparent,  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  the 
custody  of  the  secret  is  almost  entirely  with  that  race. 
When  necessity  arises,  it  may  be  a  public  service  for 
those  in  possession  of  the  facts  to  make  them  public — 
not  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  reputations,  but  for 


DOES  THIS   EXPLAIN  JEWISH   POLITICAL    POWER?     209 

the  purpose  of  damning  for  all  time  a  most  cowardly 
practice. 

Politically,  so  the  Jewish  publicists  tell  us,  Jews  do 
not  vote  as  a  group.  Because  of  this  so  we  are  told, 
they  have  no  political  influence.  Moreover,  we  are 
told,  they  are  so  divided  among  themselves  that  they 
cannot  be  led  in  one  direction. 

It  may  be  true  that  when  it  is  a  question  of  being 
for  anything,  the  Jewish  community  may  show  a  ma- 
jority and  minority  opinion — a  small  minority,  it  is 
likely  to  be.  But  when  it  becomes  a  question  of  be- 
ing against  anything,  the  Jewish  community  is  always 
a  unit. 

These  are  facts  to  which  any  ward  politician  can 
testify.  Any  man  in  political  life  can  test  it  for  him- 
self by  announcing  that  he  will  not  permit  himself  to 
be  dominated  by  Jews  or  anybody  else.  Just  let  him 
mention  Jews  in  that  manner ;  he  will  no  longer  have  to 
read  about  Jewish  solidarity;  he  will  have  felt  it.  Not 
that,  in  a  vote,  this  Jewish  solidarity  can  accomplish 
anything  it  wishes;  the  Jew's  political  strength  is  not 
in  his  vote,  but  in  the  "pull"  of,  say,  seven  men  at  the 
seat  of  government.  The  Jews,  a  political  minority  so 
far  as  votes  are  concerned,  were  a  political  majority  so 
far  as  influence  was  concerned,  during  the  last  five 
years.  They  ruled.  They  boast  that  they  ruled. 
The  mark  of  their  rule  is  everywhere. 

The  note  which  everyone  observes  in  politics,  as  in 
the  Press,  is  the  fear  of  the  Jews.  This  fear  is  such 
that  nowhere  are  the  Jews  discussed  as  are,  say,  the 
Armenians,  the  Germans,  the  Russians  or  the  Hindoos. 
What  is  this /ear  but  reflection  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
Jews'  power  and  their  ruthlessness  in  the  use  of  it? 
It  is  possibly  true,  as  many  Jewish  publicists  say,  that 
what  is  called  anti-Semitism  is  just  a  panic-fear.  It  is 
a  dread  of  the  unknown.  The  uncanny  spectacle  of  an 
apparently  poor  people  who  are  richer  than  all,  of  a 
very  small  minority  which  is  more  powerful  than  all, 
creates  phantoms  before  the  mind. 

It  is  very  significant  that  those  who  most  assume 
to  represent  the  Jews  are  quite  content  that  the  fear 
should  exist.  They  wish  it  to  exist.  To  keep  it  deli- 
cately poised  and  always  there,  though  not  too  obtru- 
sively, is  an  art  they  practice.     But  once  the  balance 


210  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

is  threatened,  their  crudeness  instantly  appears.  Then 
comes  the  threat,  by  which  it  is  hoped  to  re-establish 
the /ear  again.  When  the  threat  fails,  there  comes  the 
wail  of  anti-Semitism. 

How  strange  this  is,  that  the  Jews  should  not  see 
that  the  most  abject  form  of  anti-Semitism  is  just  this 
fear  which  they  are  willing  to  have  felt  toward  them 
by  their  neighbors.  This  fear  is  "Semitophobia"  in  its 
worst  form.  To  inspire  fear — what  is  more  dreaded 
by  the  normal  man,  and  yet  what  more  delights  an 
inferior  race? 

Now,  a  great  service  is  done  when  the  people  are 
emancipated  from  this  fear.  It  is  the  process  of  eman- 
cipation that  Jewish  publicists  attack.  It  is  this  they 
call  anti-Semitism.  It  is  not  anti-Semitism  at  all;  it 
is  the  only  course  that  can  prevent  anti-Semitism. 

The  process  involves  several  steps.  The  extent  of 
the  Jewish  power  must  be  shown.  To  this,  of  course, 
strong  Jewish  objection  is  made,  though  no  strong 
disproof  can  be  made. 

Then,  the  existence  of  this  power  must  be  explained. 
It  can  be  explained  only  by  the  Jewish  Will  to  Power, 
as  it  may  be  called,  or  by  the  deliberate  program  which 
is  followed  in  the  attainment  of  the  power.  When  the 
method  is  explained,  half  the  damage  is  undone.  The 
Jew  is  not  a  superman.  He  is  bright,  he  is  intense,  his 
philosophy  of  material  things  leaves  him  free  to  do 
many  things  from  which  his  neighbor  draws  back;  but, 
given  equal  advantages,  he  is  not  a  superman.  The 
Yankee  is  more  than  his  equal  any  time,  but  the  Yankee 
has  an  inborn  inclination  to  observe  the  rules  of  the 
game.  When  the  people  know  by  what  means  this 
power  is  gained — when  they  are  informed  how,  for  ex- 
ample, political  control  is  seized,  as  it  has  been  in  the 
United  States,  the  very  method  takes  all  the  glamour 
from  the  power,  and  shows  it  to  be  a  rather  sordid 
thing  after  all. 

This  series  of  articles  is  attempting  to  take  these 
orderly  steps,  and  it  is  believed  the  complete  effort  will 
justify  itself  to  reasonable  minds,  both  Jewish  and 
Gentile. 

In  the  present  article  one  importafnt  means  of  power 
has  been  described  on  the  authority  of  the  Protocols. 
Whether  the  method  laid  down  by  the  Protocols  is 


DOES   THIS   EXPLAIN  JEWISH    POLITICAL   POWER?     211 

worth  considering  or  not  depends  entirely  on  whether 
it  can  be  found  in  actual  affairs  today.  It  can  be 
found.  The  two  tally.  The  parallel  is  complete.  It 
were  well  for  the  Jew,  of  course,  if  no  trace  of  him 
could  be  found  in  either  the  written  or  the  actual  pro- 
gram. But  he  is  there,  and  it  is  illogical  for  him  to 
blame  anyone  but  himself  for  being  there.  Certainly, 
it  is  small  defense  against  the  fact  to  heap  abuse  upon 
the  one  who  discloses  the  fact. ,  We  have  agreed  that 
the  Jews  are  clever,  but  they  are  not  so  clever  as  to  be 
able  to  cover  their  work.  There  is  a  certain  element 
of  weakness  in  them  which  reveals  the  whole  matter  in 
the  end.  And  even  the  revelation  would  not  mean 
much  if  the  thing  revealed  were  not  wrong.  But  that 
is  the  weakness  of  the  Jewish  program — it  is  wrong. 
The  Jews  have  never  gained  any  measure  of  success  so 
great  that  the  world  cannot  check  it.  The  world  is 
engaged  in  a  great  checking  tactic  now,  and  if  there 
are  still  prophets  among  the  Jews  they  should  lead 
their  people  in  another  path. 

The  proof  and  the  fruit  of  any  exposure  of  the 
World  Program  is  the  removal  of  the  element  of  fear 
from  the  peoples  among  whom  the  Jews  live. 


I»«e  of  September  18,  1920. 


"In  a  zvorld  of  completely  organised  territorial 
sovereignties  he  (the  Jew)  has  only  two  possible 
cities  of  refuge;  he  must  either  pull  down  the 
pillars  of  the  whole  national  state  system,  or  he 
must  create  a  territorial  sovereignty  of  his  own 
.  .  .  .In  Eastern  Europe,  Bolshevism  and  Zionism 
seem  to  grow  side  by  side  ....  not  because  the 
Jew  cares  for  the  positive  side  of  radical  phi- 
losophy, not  because  he  desires  to  be  a  partaker 
in  Gentile  nationalism  or  Gentile  democracy,  but 
because  no  existing  Gentile  system  is  ever  any- 
thing but  distasteful  to  him." 


XIX. 


The  All-Jewish  Mark  on  **Red 
Russia" 

WE  shall  now  briefly  interrupt  the  commentary 
which  we  have  been  making  on  the  Protocols,  to 
set  at  rest  once  and  for  all  certain  misstatements  which 
are  made  for  Gentile  consumption. 

To  learn  what  the  Jewish  leaders  of  the  United 
States  or  any  other  country  think,  do  not  read  their 
addresses  to  the  Gentiles;  read  their  addresses  to  their 
own  people.  On  such  matters  as  these — Whether  the 
Jew  regards  himself  as  destined  to  rule  the  world; 
whether  he  regards  himself  as  belonging  to  a  nation 
and  race  distinct  from  every  other  nation  and  race; 
whether  he  regards  the  Gentile  world  as  the  legitimate 
field  of  his  exploitation  by  a  lower  moral  method  than 
is  permissible  among  his  own  people ;  whether  he  knows 
and  shares  the  principles  of  the  Protocols — on  such 
matters  as  these,  the  only  safe  guide  is  to  be  found  in 
the  words  which  Jewish  leaders  speak  to  Jews,  not  in 
the  words  they  speak  to  Gentiles. 

The  notable  Jewish  names  which  appear  oftenest  in 
the  Press  do  not  represent  the  spokesmen  of  Judaism 
at  all,  but  only  a  selected  few  who  represent  the  De- 
partment of  Propaganda  Among  the  Gentiles.  Some- 
times that  propaganda  is  in  the  form  of  donations  for 
Christian  charitable  organizations;  sometimes  it  is  in 
the  form  of  "liberal"  opinion  on  religious,  social  and 
political  questions.  In  whatever  form  it  comes,  you 
may  depend  upon  it  that  the  real  activities  of  the 
Jewish  hierarchy  proceed  under  cover  of  that  which 
the  Gentile  is  invited  to  observe  and  approve. 

The  statements  offered  in  this  series  are  never 
made  without  the  strictest  and  fullest  proof,  confirma- 
tion and  corroboration  in  the  utterances  of  Jewish 
leaders.  This  is  one  of  the  strange  features  of  the 
multitude  of  Jewish  attacks  on  this  series:  they  are 
attacking  what  they  themselves  stand  for,  and  their 
only  reason  for  the  attack  must  be  their  belief  that 
this   investigation   has   not  been   able  to   penetrate 


214  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

through  to  that  which  has  been  kept  hidden  from  the 
world. 

The  most  persistent  denials  have  been  offered  to 
the  statement  that  Bolshevism  everywhere,  in  Russia 
or  the  United  States,  is  Jewish.  In  these  denials  we 
have  perhaps  one  of  the  most  brazen  examples  of  the 
double  intent  referred  to  above.  The  denial  of  the 
Jewish  character  of  Bolshevism  is  made  to  the  Gentile; 
but  in  the  confidence  and  secrecy  of  Jewish  communi- 
cation, or  buried  in  the  Yiddish  dialect,  or  obscurely 
hidden  in  the  Jewish  national  press,  we  find  the  proud 
assertion  made — to  their  own  people! — that  Bolshe- 
vism is  Jewish. 

Jewish  propaganda  has  only  two  straws  to  grasp  in 
the  terrible  tale  of  murder,  immorality,  robbery,  en- 
forced starvation  and  hideous  humanism  which  make 
the  present  Russian  situation  impossible  to  describe 
and  all  but  impossible  to  comprehend. 

One  of  these  straws  is  that  Kerensky,  the  man  who 
eased  in  the  opening  wedge  of  Bolshevism,  is  not  a 
Jew.  Indeed,  one  of  the  strongest  indications  that 
Bolshevism  is  Jewish  is  that  the  Jewish  press  em- 
phasizes so  fiercely  the  alleged  Gentilism  of  at  least 
two  of  the  revolutionary  notables.  It  may  be  cruel  to 
deny  them  two  among  hundreds,  but  merely  saying  so 
cannot  change  Kerensky's  nationality.  His  name  is 
Adler.  His  father  was  a  Jew  and  his  mother  a  Jewess. 
Adler,  the  father,  died,  and  the  mother  married  a 
Russian  named  Kerensky,  whose  name  the  young 
child  took.  Among  the  radicals  who  employed  him 
as  a  lawyer,  among  the  forces  that  put  him  forward  to 
drive  the  first  nail  into  Russia's  cross,  among  the 
soldiers  who  fought  with  him,  his  Jewish  descent  and 
character  have  never  been  doubted. 

"Well,  but  there  is  Lenin,"  our  Jewish  publicists 
say — "Lenin  the  head  of  it  all,  the  brains  of  it  all,  and 
Lenin  is  a  Gentile!  We've  got  you  there — Lenin  is  a 
Gentile!" 

Perhaps  he  is,  but  why  do  his  children  speak  Yid- 
dish? Why  are  his  proclamations  put  forth  in  Yid- 
dish? Why  did  he  abolish  the  Christian  Sunday  and 
establish  by  law  the  Jewish  Saturday  Sabbath? 

The  explanation  of  all  this  may  be  that  he  married 
a  Jewess.     The  fact  is  that  he  did.     But  another  ex- 


THE  ALL-JEWISH   MARK  ON   "RED   RUSSIA"  215 

planation  may  be  that  he  himself  is  a  Jew.  Certainly 
he  is  not  the  Russian  nobleman  he  has  always  claimed 
to  be.  The  statements  he  has  made  about  his  identity 
thus  far  have  been  lies.  The  claim  that  he  is  a  Gentile 
may  be  unfounded  too. 

No  one  has  ever  doubted  Trotsky's  nationality — 
he  is  a  Jew.  His  name  is  Braunstein.  Recently  the 
Gentiles  were  told  that  Trotsky  had  said  he  wasn't 
much  of  anything — in  religion.  That  may  be.  But 
still  he  must  be  something — else  why  are  the  Russian 
Christian  churches  turned  into  stables,  slaughter 
houses  and  dancing  halls,  while  the  Jewish  synagogues 
remain  untouched?  And  why  are  Christian  priests 
and  ministers  made  to  work  on  the  roads,  while 
Jewish  rabbis  are  left  their  clerical  privileges?  Trotsky 
may  not  be  much  of  anything  in  religion,  but  he  is  a 
Jew  nevertheless.  This  is  not  mere  Gentile  insistence 
that  he  shall  be  considered  a  Jew  whether  or  no;  it  is 
straight  Jewish  teaching  that  he  is.  In  a  future  dis- 
cussion on  ''religion  or  race?"  we  shall  show  that  even 
without  religion,  Trotsky  is,  and  is  considered  by  all 
Jewish  authorities  to  be,  a  Jew. 

An  apology  must  be  made  here  for  repeating  well- 
known  facts.  Yet,  so  many  people  are  not  even  now 
aware  of  the  true  meaning  of  Bolshevism,  that  at  the 
risk  of  monotony,  we  shall  cite  a  few  of  the  salient 
facts.  The  purpose,  however,  is  not  alone  to  explain 
Russia,  but  to  throw  a  warning  light  on  conditions  in 
the  United  States. 

The  Bolshevik  Government,  as  it  stood  late  this 
summer  when  the  latest  report  was  smuggled  through 
to  certain  authorities,  shows  up  the  Jewish  domination 
of  the  whole  affair.  It  has  changed  very  slightly  since 
the  beginning.  We  give  only  a  few  items  to  indicate 
the  proportion.  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the 
non-Jewish  members  of  the  government  are  Russian. 

Very  few  Russians  have  anything  to  say  about 
their  own  country  these  days.  The  so-called  "Dicta- 
torship of  the  Proletariat,"  in  which  the  proletariat  has 
nothing  whatever  to  say,  is  Russian  only  in  the  sense 
that  it  is  set  up  in  Russia;  it  is  not  Russian  in  that  it 
springs  from  or  includes  the  Russian  people.  It  is  the 
international  program  of  the  Protocols,  which  might 
be  "put  over"  by  a  minority  in  any  country,  and  which 
is  being  given  a  dress-rehearsal  in  Russia. 


216  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

Table  Showing  Jewish  Control  of  Russia 

Number     Number  of  Jewish 

of  Jewisli  Per- 

Menbers     Members  cenlafe 

The  Council  of  the  Commissaries 

of  the  People 22       17       77.2% 

The  Commissariat  of  War 43       33       76.7% 

The    Commissariat    of    Foreign 

Affairs 16       13       81.2% 

The  Commissariat  of  Finance.  .  .     30       24       80.0% 

The  Commissariat  of  Justice 21       20       95 . 2% 

The     Commissariat     of     Pubhc 

Instruction 53       42       79.2%, 

The     Commissariat     of     Social 

Assistance 6        6     100 . 0% 

The  Commissariat  of  Work 8        7       87 . 5% 

Delegates  of  the  Bolshevik  Red 

Cross      to      Berlin,      Vienna, 

Varsovie,  Bucharest,  Copen- 
hagen        8         8     100.0% 

Commissaries  of  the  Provinces. .  23  21  91 .3% 
Journalists 41       41     100.0% 

These  are  enlightening  figures.  The  reader  will 
note  that  the  Jewish  percentage  is  high  at  all  times, 
never  lower  than  76  per  cent  in  any  case.  (Curiously 
enough,  the  lowest  percentage  of  Jews  is  found  in 
the  Commissariat  of  War.)  But  in  those  com- 
mittees which  deal  most  closely  with  the  mass  of  the 
people,  as  well  as  in  the  committees  of  defense  and 
propaganda,  Jews  fill  literally  all  the  places. 

Remember  what  the  Protocols  say  about  Press 
Control :  remember  what  Baron  Montefiore  said  about 
it,  and  then  look  at  the  Government  Journalists.  That 
committee  comprises  41  men,  and  the  41  are  Jews. 
Only  Jewish  pens  are  trusted  with  Bolshevist  propa- 
ganda. 

And  then  the  so-called  "Red  Cross  delegates," 
which  are  merely  Red  Revolutionary  delegates  to  the 
cities  named — of  the  8,  there  are  8  Jews. 

The  Commissariat  of  Social  Assistance,  upon 
whose  word  the  life  and  privilege  of  tens  of  thousands 
hang — there  are  6  members,  and  the  6  are  Jews.  And 
so  on  through  the  list. 


THE   ALI.JF.WISH    MARK   ON    "RED    RUSSIA"  217 

Out  of  the  53  members  of  the  Commissariat  of  Pub- 
lic Instruction,  11  are  noted  as  non-Jews.  But  what 
kind  of  non-Jews  is  not  stated.  They  may  be  "non- 
Jews  like  Lenin"  whose  children  speak  the  Yiddish  as 
their  native  tongue.  Whatever  they  are,  there  is  a 
sidelight  upon  their  attitude  in  the  fact  that  the  Bol- 
shevik! immediately  took  over  all  the  Hebrew  schools 
and  continued  them  as  they  were  and  laid  down  a  rule 
that  the  ancient  Hebrew  language  should  be  taught  in 
them.  The  ancient  Hebrew  language  is  the  vehicle  of 
the  deeper  secrets  of  the  World  Program. 

And  for  the  Gentile  Russian  children — ?  "Why," 
said  these  gentle  Jewish  educators,  "we  will  teach 
them  sex  knowledge.  We  will  brush  out  of  their 
minds  the  cobwebs.  They  must  learn  the  truth  about 
things!" — with  consequences  that  are  too  pitiable  to 
narrate.  But  this  can  be  said:  unquestionably  there 
were  deaths  among  innocent  Jews  when  Hungary 
wrested  itself  free  from  the  Red  Bolshevism  of  Bel^ 
Kun  (or  Cohen).  The  Jews  may  well  call  it  th^ 
'White  Terror"  that  followed  their  failure  to  re-enact 
the  tragedy  of  Russia  in  Hungary.  But  there  are 
mountains  of  evidence  to  show  that  nothing  had  so 
potent  an  effect  in  producing  the  bloodslied  of  the 
"White  Terror"  as  the  outraged  minds  of  parents 
whose  children  had  been  compulsoril}'-  drawn  through 
sloughs  of  filth  during  the  short  time  the  Jewish 
Bolsheviki  had  charge  of  the  schools.      ^rvJiffv^^    i' 

A*»erican  Jews  do  not  like  to  hear  ttiis.     Their 

shrinking  from  it  would  be  greatly  to  their  honor  did 
they  not  immediately  return  to  the  defense  of  the  peo- 
ple who  do  these  things.  It  is  well  enough  known  that 
the  chastity  of  Christians  is  not  so  highly  regarded  by 
the  orthodox  male  Jew  as  is  the  chastity  of  his  own 
people,  but  it  would  be  pleasant  to  be  certain  that  all 
of  them  condemn  what  went  on  in  Russia  and  Hungary 
in  the  matter  of  education.  However,  as  most  of  the 
influences  which  destroy  Gentile  youth  today — in 
America — are  in  the  hands  of  the  Jews,  and  as  it  is 
plainly  stated  in  the  Protocols  that  one  of  the  lines  of  /^ 
campaign  is  "to  corrupt  the  youth  of  the  Gentiles,"/ 
the  situation  is  one  that  calls  for  something  more  than 
mere  hard  feelings  and  angry  denials  whenever  these 
facts  are  referred  to. 


218  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

It  is  not  the  economic  experiment,  so-called,  tnat 
one  objects  to  in  Russia;  it  is  not  the  fallacies,  the  sad 
delusion  of  the  people.  No.  It  is  the  downright, 
dirty  immorality,  the  brutish  nastiness  of  it  all;  and 
the  Une  which  the  immorality  and  nastiness  draws 
between  Jew  and  Gentile.  The  horrible  cruelty  in- 
volved we  will  not  deal  with,  leaving  it  merely  with 
the  explanation  which  has  found  utterance  in  the 
Jewish  press  that  "it  may  be  that  the  Jew  in  Russia  is 
taking  an  unconscious  revenge  for  his  centuries  of 
suffering." 

"But,"  asks  some  reader,  "how  may  we  know  that 
all  this  is  true?" 

Bearing  in  mind  that  we  are  speaking  of  Russia, 
not  for  the  interest  of  the  Russian  situation  at  all,  but 
to  indicate  the  international  character  of  those  who 
are  responsible  for  conditions  there,  and  to  identify 
them  for  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  we  shall 
look  at  the  evidence. 

There  is,  of  course,  the  evidence  brought  to  light 
by  our  own  United  States  Senate  and  printed  in  a 
Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary.  We  do 
not  wish  to  spend  much  time  on  this,  because  we  prefer 
in  these  articles  to  use  Jewish  testimony  instead  of 
Gentile.  But  we  shall  pause  long  enough  to  show  the 
nature  of  the  testimony  brought  out  by  our  own 
government.  , 

Dr.  George  A.  Simons,  a  clergyman  in  charge  of  an 
American  congregation  in  Petrograd  at  the  time  the 
Bolshevik  terror  broke  out,  was  a  witness.  Parts  of 
his  testimony  are  given  here: 

"  'There  were  hundreds  of  agitators  who  fol- 
lowed in  the  trail  of  Trotsky-Bronstein,  these  men 
having  come  over  from  the  lower  East  Side  of 
New  York  *  *  *  ^  number  of  us  were  im- 
pressed by  the  strange  Yiddish  element  in  this 
thing  right  from  the  start,  and  it  soon  became 
evident  that  more  than  half  the  agitators  in  the 
so-called  Bolshevik  movement  were  Yiddish.' 
"Senator  Nelson — 'Hebrews?' 
"Dr.  Simons — 'They  were  Hebrews,  apostate 
Jews.  I  do  not  want  to  say  anything  against 
the  Jews,  as  such.  I  am  not  in  sympathy  with  the 
anti-Semitic  movement,  never  have  been,  and  do 


THE   ALL-JEWISH    MARK   ON    "RED    RUSSIA"  219 

not  ever  expect  to  be  *  *  *  g^^  j  have  a 
firm  conviction  that  this  thing  is  Yiddish,  and 
that  one  of  its  bases  is  found  in  the  East  Side  of 
New  York.' 

"Senator  Nelson — 'Trotsky  came  over  from 
New  York  during  that  summer,  did  he  not?' 
"Dr.  Simons— 'He  did.' 

"Later  Dr.  Simons  said:  'In  December,  1918 
*  *  *  under  the  presidency  of  a  man  known  as 
Apfelbaum  *  *  *  out  of  388  members,  only 
16  happened  to  be  real  Russians,  and  all  the  rest 
Jews,  with  the  exception  possibly  of  one  man, 
who  is  a  Negro  from  America,  who  calls  himself 
Professor  Gordon  *  *  *  ^^j^,^  265  of  this 
northern  commune  government  that  is  sitting  in 
the  Old  Smolny  Institute  came  from  the  lower 
East  Side  of  New  York— 265  of  them.  *  *  * 
"  'I  might  mention  this,  that  when  the  Bol- 
sheviki  came  into  power,  all  over  Petrograd  we  at 
once  had  a  predominance  of  Yiddish  proclama- 
tions, big  posters,  and  everything  in  Yiddish.  It 
became  very  evident  that  now  that  was  to  be  one 
of  the  great  languages  of  Russia;  and  the  real 
Russians,  of  course,  did  not  take  very  kindly  to 
it.'  " 
William  Chapin  Huntington,  who  was  commercial 
attache  of  the  United  States  Embassy  at  Petrograd, 
testified : 

"The  leaders  of  the  movement,  I  should  say,  are 
about  two-thirds  Russian  Jews  *  *  *  Xhe  Bol- 
sheviks are  internationalists,  and  they  were  not  inter- 
ested in  the  particular  national  ideals  of  Russia." 

William  W.  Welch,  an  employe  of  the  National 
City  Bank,  New  York,  testified: 

"In  Russia  it  is  well  known  that  three-fourths  of 
the  Bolshevik  leaders  are  Jewish  *  *  *  There 
were  some — not  many,  but  there  were  some — real 
Russians;  and  what  I  mean  by  real  Russians  is  Russian- 
born,  and  not  Russian  Jews." 

Roger  E.  Simmons,  Trade  Commissioner  connected 
with  the  United  States  Department  of  Commerce,  also 
testified.  An  important  anonymous  witness,  whom 
the  committee  permitted  to  withhold  his  name,  told 
the  same  things. 


220  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

The  British  White  Book,  Russia,  No.  1— "A  Col- 
lection of  Reports  on  Bolshevism  in  Russia,  presented 
to  Parliament  by  Command  of  His  Majesty,  April, 
1919,"  contains  masses  of  the  same  testimony  from 
many  sources,  all  of  them  eyewitnesses. 

In  that  very  highly  respected  magazine  Asia  for 
February-March,  1920,  is  an  article  which  contains, 
among  other  important  ones,  these  statements:  (the 
italics  are  ours) 

"In  all  the  Bolshevist  institutions  the  heads 
are  Jews.  The  Assistant  Commissar  for  Elemen- 
tary Education,  Grunberg,  can  hardly  speak  Rus- 
sian. The  Jews  are  successful  in  everything  and 
obtain  their  ends.  They  know  how  to  command 
and  get  complete  submission.  But  they  are  proud 
and  contemptuous  toward  everyone,  which 
strongly  excites  the  people  against  them  *  *  * 
At  the  present  time  there  is  a  great  national  religious 
fervor  among  the  Jews.  They  believe  that  the 
promised  time  of  the  rule  of  God's  elect  on  earth 
is  coming.  They  have  connected  Judaism  with  a 
universal  revolution.  They  see  in  the  spread  of 
revolution  the  fulfiUing  of  the  Scriptures: 
'Though  I  make  an  end  of  all  the  nations, 
whither  I  have  scattered  thee,  yet  will  I  not  make 
an  end  of  thee.'  " 

Now,  if  Gentile  proof  were  wanted,  the  files  of 
The  Dearborn  Independent  for  a  whole  year  would 
not  begin  to  contain  it.     But  Jewish  proof  is  better. 

There  has  been  a  strange  vacillation  in  Jewish  opin- 
ion concerning  Bolshevism.  At  first  it  was  hailed  with 
delight.  There  was  no  concealment  whatever  in  the 
early  days  of  the  new  regime  as  to  the  part  which 
Jewry  had  in  it.  Public  meetings,  interviews,  special 
articles  poured  forth  in  which  very  valuable  elements 
of  truth  were  mingled.  There  was  no  attempt  at  con- 
cealment of  names. 

Then  the  horror  of  the  thing  began  to  take  hold 
upon  the  world,  and  for  just  a  breathing  space  Jewish 
opinion  fell  silent.  There  was  a  spasmodic  denial  or 
two.  Then  a  new  burst  of  glorification.  The  glorifi- 
cation continues  within  Judaism  itself,  but  it  now  car- 
ries on  the  Gentile  side  of  its  face  a  very  sad  expression 
labeled  "persecution." 


THE  ALL-JEWISH   MARK   ON   "RED   RUSSIA"  221 

We  have  lived  to  see  the  day  when  to  denounce 
Bolshevispi  is  to  "persecute  the  Jews." 

In  the  American  Hebrew,  for  September  10,  1920, 
an  article  appears  which  not  only  acknowledges  and 
explains  the  part  which  the  Jew  plays  in  the  present 
unrest  and  upheaval,  but  justifies  it — and  justifies  it, 
curiously  enough,  by  The  Sermon  ori  the  Mount. 

The  writer  says  that  "the  Jew  evolved  organized 
capitalism  unth  its  working  instrumentality,  the  banking 
system." 

This  is  very  refreshing,  in  view  of  the  numerous 
Jewish  denials  of  this  economic  fact. 

"One  of  the  impressive  phenomena  of  the  impres- 
sive time  is  the  revolt  of  the  Jew  against  the  Franken- 
stein which  his  own  mind  conceived  and  his  own  hand 
fashioned  *  *  *"  If  this  is  true,  why  is  Jewish 
"organized  capital  with  its  working  instrumentality, 
the  banking  system"  supporting  the  revolt? 

"That  achievement  (referring  to  the  Russian  over- 
throw) ,  destined  to  figure  in  history  as  the  overshadow- 
ing result  of  the  World  War,  was  largely  the  outcome  of 
Jewish  thinking,  of  Jewish  discontent,  of  Jewish  effort 
to  reconstruct." 

"This  rapid  emergence  of  the  Russian*  revolution 
from  the  destructive  phase  and  its  entrance  into  the 
constructive  phase  is  a  conspicuous  expression  of  the 
constructive  genius  of  Jewish  discontent." 

(This,  of  course,  requires  proof  that  the  construc- 
tive phase  has  appeared.  The  implication  here  is 
sheer  propaganda.  The  Protocols,  however,  have  a 
reconstructive  program.  We  have  not  reached  it  as 
yet  in  this  series  of  articles,  but  it  is  clearly  outlined  in 
the  Protocols — destroy  Gentile  society,  and  then  re- 
construct it  according  to  "our"  plans.) 

Now  read  carefully: 

"What  Jewish  idealism  and  Jewish  discontent  have 
so  poiverfidly  contributed  to  accomplish  in  Russia,  the 
same  historic  qualities  of  the  Jewish  mind  and  heart 
ARE  TENDING  TO  PROMOTE  IN  OTHER 
COUNTRIES." 

Read  that  again.  "What  Jewish  idealism  and  Jew- 
ish discontent  have  so  powerfully  contributed  to  ac- 
compHsh  in  Russia!"  Just  what  was  that?  And  just 
how  did  it  "powerfully  contribute?"     And  why  are 


222  THE    INTERNATIONAL   JEW 

"Jewish  idealism"  and  "Jewish  discontent"  always 
linked  together?  If  you  read  the  Protocols  it  is  all 
very  clear.  Jewish  idealism  is  the  destruction  of  Gen- 
tile society  and  the  erection  of  Jewish  society.  Was 
it  not  so  in  Russia? — Yiddish  proclamations  on  the 
walls,  the  ancient  Hebrew  in  the  schools,  Saturday  sub- 
stituted for  Sunday,  and  the  rabbis  respected  while  the 
priests  were  put  to  work  on  the  roads!  All  "power- 
fully contributed"  to  by  murder,  rapine,  theft  and 
starvation. 

Our  author  is  more  candid  than  he  realizes.  He 
calls  this  linked  idealism  and  discontent  'Hhe  historic 
qualities  of  the  Jewish  mind."  The  Dearborn  Inde- 
pendent is  indebted  to  him  for  this  clear  confirmation 
of  what  it  has  been  saying  for  some  time. 

But  even  that  is  not  all.  "These  same  historic 
qualities  of  the  Jewish  mind"  which  "contributed  so 
powerfully  to  accomplish  in  Russia"  the  Red  Terror 
still  existing  there,  are  declared  by  this  author  to  be 
tending  to  promote  the  same  sort  of  thing  in  other 
countries.  He  says  so  in  so  many  words — "tending.to 
promote  in  other  countries." 

But  we  knew  that.  The  only  difference  is  that 
when  Gentiles  said  it,  they  were  overwhelmed  with 
the  wildest  abuse;  but  now  a  pro- Jewish  writer  says  it 
in  a  leading  Jewish  publication.  And  he  says  it  apol- 
ogetically— listen  to  him: 

"It  was  natural  that  *  *  *  discontent  in  other 
parts  of  the  world  should  find  expression  in  overempha- 
sis of  issues  and  overstatement  of  aims." 

What  discontent?  Jewish  discontent,  of  course. 
Discontent  with  what?  With  any  form  of  Gentile  rule. 
And  how  did  it  find  expression?  ''In  overemphasis  of 
issues  and  overstatement  of  aims."  What  were  these 
issues  and  aims?  To  bring  the  Bolshevik  revolution 
to  the  United  States. 

No,  they  did  not  overstate  their  aims;  they  exactly 
stated  them — they  simply  selected  the  wrong  country, 
that's  all.   . 

There  are  Russian  Bolshevists  in  this  country  now, 
hawking  about  the  streets  of  New  York  the  gold  ciga- 
ret  cases  which  they  stole  from  Russian  families,  and 
the  family  jewels,  the  wedding  and  birthday  rings, 
which  they  filched  from  Russian  women.     Bolshevism 


THE   ALL-JEWISH    MARK   ON    "RED   RUSSIA"  223 

never  got  further  than  the  pawnshop  and  burglar's 
"fence"  idea.  The  proof  of  this  traffic  in  stolen  prop- 
erty is  going  to  drive  some  people  into  hiding  before 
long.  It  will  be  a  long,  long  time  before  America  will 
be  taking  orders  in  Yiddish,  or  American  women  will 
be  giving  up  their  jewels  to  "the  chosen  race." 

However,  that  happens  to  be  only  the  most  recent 
acknowledgement  that  has  come  to  hand.  It  is  sig- 
nificant for  its  confession  that  "Jewish  discontent"  was 
"tending  to  promote"  in  "other  countries"  what  it  has 
"so  powerfully  contributed  to  accomplish  in  Russia." 

And  with  such  a  link  between  the  American  He- 
brew, Russian  Bolshevism  and  the  Protocols,  there  are 
still  Jewish  publicists  with  the  crust  to  say  that  only 
crazy  people  could  see  the  connection.  Only  blind 
people  will  not  see  it.  But  that  is  only  a  minor  con- 
nection. This  series  of  articles  does  not  rest  on  any- 
thing so  accidental  as  this  Jewish  New  Year's  apology 
for  Bolshevism  in  the  great  Hebrew  weekly  of  the 
United  States. 


Iliue  oi  September  25.  1920 


"Out  of  the  economic  chaos,  the  discontent  of 
the  Jezv  evolved  organized  capital  wiih  its  luork- 
ing  instrnnicntality,  the  banking  system  .... 

"One  of  the  impressive  phenomena  of  the  iifi- 
pressive  time  is  the  revolt  of  the  Jew  against  the 
Frankenstein  zvhich  his  omn  -mind  conceived  and 
his  omn  hand  fashioned.  ... 

"That  achievement  (Russian  Bolshevik  revolu- 
tion-Ed.), destined  to  figure  in  history  as  the  over- 
shadowing result  of  the  World  War,  zvas  largely 
the  outcome  of  Jewish  thinking,  of  Jewish  dis- 
content, of  Jeivish  effort  to  reconstruct  .... 

"What  Jewish  idealism  and  Jcivish  discontent 
have  so  pozverfully  contributed  to  accomplish  in 
Russia,  the  same  historic  qualities  of  the  Jezvish 
mind  and  heart  are  tending  to  promote  in  other 
countries  .... 

"Snail  America,  like  the  Russia  of  the  Czars, 
overwhelm  the  Jew  zvith  the  bitter  and  baseless 
reproach  of  being  a  destroyer,  and  thus  put  him 
in  the  position  of  an  irreconcilable  enemy? 

"Or  shall  America  avail  itself  of  Jezvish 
genius  as  it  avails  itself  of  the  peculiar  genius 
of  every  other  race?  .... 

''That  is  the  question  for  the  American  people 
to  answer." 

— From    an    article    in    The    American    Hebrew, 
Sept.   10,   1920. 


XX. 


Jewish  Testimony  in  Favor  of 
Bolshevism 

THE  American  people  will   answer  that   question, 
and  their  answer  will  be  against  the  disruptive 
genius  of  dissatisfied  Jews, 

It  is  very  well  known  that  "what  Jewish  idealism 
and  Jewish  discontent  have  so  powerfully  contributed 
to  accomplish  in  Russia"  is  also  being  attempted  in 
the  United  States.  Why  did  not  the  writer  in  the 
American  Hebrew  say  the  United  States,  instead  of 
saying  "the  same  historic  qualities  of  the  Jewish 
mind  and  heart  are  tending  to  promote  in  other 
countries.'^ 

"Jewish  idealism  and  Jewish  discontent"  are  not 
directed  against  capital.  Capital  is  enlisted  in  their 
service.  The  only  governmental  order  the  Jewish  ef- 
fort is  directed  against  is  Gentile  governmental  order; 
and  the  only  "capital"  it  attacks  is  Gentile  capital. 

Lord  Eustace  Percy  who,  if  one  may  judge  by  the 
full  and  appreciative  quotations  of  his  words  in  the 
Jewish  press,  has  the  sanction  of  thinkers  among  the 
Jews,  settles  the  first  point.  Discussing  the  Jewish 
tendency  to  revolutionary  movements  he  says: 

"In  Eastern  Europe  Bolshevism  and  Zionism 
often  seem  to  grow  side  by  side,  just  as  Jewish 
influence  molded  Republican  and  Socialist  thought 
throughout  the  nineteenth  century  down  to  the 
Young  Turk  revolution  in  Constantinople  hardly 
more  than  a  decade  ago — 7iot  because  the  Jew 
cares  for  the  positive  side  of  radical  philosophy, 
not  because  he  desires  to  be  a  partaker  in  Gentile 
nationalism  or  Gentile  democracy,  but  because  no 
existing  Gentile  system  of  government  is  ever  any- 
thing but  distasteful  to  him." 
And  that  analysis  is  absolutely  true.     In  Russia, 
the  excuse  was  the  czar;  in  Germany,  the  kaiser;  in 
England  it  is  the  Irish  question;  in  the  numerous 
South  American  revolutions,  where  the  Jews  always 
had  a  ruling  hand,  no  particular  reason  was  thought 


226  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

necessary  to  be  given;  in  the  United  States  it  is  "the 
capitalistic  class;"  but  always  and  everywhere  it  is, 
by  the  confession  of  their  own  spokesman,  a  distaste 
for  any  form  whatsoever  of  Gentile  government.  The 
Jew  believes  that  the  world  is  his  by  right;  he  wants 
to  collect  his  own,  and  the  speediest  way  of  doing  so 
is  the  destruction  of  order  by  revolution — a  destruc- 
tion which  is  made  possible  by  a  long  and  clever  cam- 
paign of  loose  and  destructive  ideas. 

As  to  the  second  point,  every  reader  can  verify  the 
fact  from  his  own  experience.  Let  him  recall  to  his 
mind  the  capitalists  who  have  been  held  up  to  public 
scorn  in  the  Jew-controlled  press  of  the  United  States 
— and  whom  does  he  find  them  to  be?  Whose  forms 
have  you  seen  caricatured  with  the  dollar-mark  in 
Hearst's  papers?  Are  they  Sehgman,  Kahn,  Warburg, 
Schiff,  Kuhn,  Loeb  &  Company,  or  any  of  the  others? 
No.  These  are  Jewish  bankers.  The  attack  is  never 
made  on  them.  The  names  made  most  familiar  to  you 
by  newspaper  denunciation  are  the  names  of  Gentile 
industrial  and  banking  leaders — and  Gentile  leaders 
only — the  principal  ones  being  Morgan  and  Rocke- 
feller. 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  during  the  French 
Commune  when  men  of  wealth  suffered  severe  losses 
in  property,  the  Jewish  Rothschilds  were  not  injured 
to  the  extent  of  one  pennyworth.  It  is  also  a  well- 
known  fact,  capable  of  proof  satisfactory  to  any  or- 
dinary mind,  that  the  connections  between  Jewish 
financiers  and  the  more  dangerous  revolutionary  ele- 
ments here  in  the  United  States  are  such  that  it  is 
most  unlikely  that  the  former  stand  to  lose  anything 
in  any  event.  Under  cover  of  the  disorder  in  Russia 
at  the  present  time,  Jewish  financiers  are  taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  stress  of  the  people  to  gain  control  of 
all  the  strategic  natural  resources  and  municipal  prop- 
erty, by  methods  which  they  fully  expect  to  be  legal- 
ized by  Jewish  courts  when  the  present  "Bolshevik 
regime"  announces  that  it  will  give  way  to  a  "modi- 
fied communism."  The  world  hasn't  seen  the  end  of 
Bolshevism  yet.  Like  the  World  War,  Bolshevism 
cannot  be  interpreted  until  it  is  seen  who  profits  most 
by  it,  and  the  profiteering  is  in  full  sway  now.  The 
enemy  is  Gentile  capital.     Not  any  other.     And  "all 


JEWISH  TESTIMONY   IN   FAVOR  OF   BOLSHEVISM       227 

the  wealth  of  the  world  in  our  hands"  is  the  unspoken 
slogan  of  every  Jewish  outbreak  in  the  world  today. 

The  quotation  at  the  head  of  this  article  represents 
the  position  which  the  Jews  are  now  ready  to  take 
with  reference  to  the  Russian  Revolution.  They  have 
always  been  charged  with  responsibility  for  what  has 
occurred  in  that  unhappy  country,  but  at  first  their 
spokesmen  denied  it.  The  denials  were  most  indig- 
nant, and  were  usually  accompanied  by  the  typical 
plaint  that  the  charge  was  "persecution."  But  the 
facts  have  been  so  overwhelming,  and  the  government 
investigations  have  been  so  revealing,  that  denials 
have  been  abandoned. 

For  a  while  an  attempt  was  made  to  distract  atten- 
tion from  Russia  by  a  tremendously  powerful  propa- 
ganda concerning  the  Jews  in  Poland.  There  are 
many  indications  that  the  Polish  propaganda  was 
undertaken  as  a  "cover"  for  the  immense  immigration 
of  Jews  into  the  United  States.  It  may  be  that  some 
of  our  readers  do  not  know  it,  but  an  endless  stream  of 
the  most  undesirable  immigrants  pours  daily  into  the 
United  States,  tens  of  thousands  of  the  same  people 
whose  presence  has  been  the  problem  and  menace  of 
the  governments  of  Europe. 

Well,  the  Polish  propaganda  and  the  immigration 
movement  are  sailing  along  smoothly,  and  the  United 
States  Government  is  assured  by  the  Jewish  ring  at 
Washington  that  everything  is  quiet  along  the  Poto- 
mac (it  is  quiet  there,  quiet  as  the  Jewish  ring  could 
wish),  but  still  the  Russian  fact  persists  in  calling 
for  explanation. 

And  here  is  the  explanation:  The  Jews  created 
capitalism,  we  are  told.  But  capitalism  has  proved 
itself  ill-behaved.  So  now,  the  Jewish  creators  are 
going  to  destroy  their  creation.  They  have  done  so 
in  Russia.  And  now,  will  the  American  people  be 
good  and  let  their  Jewish  benefactors  do  the  same 
in  America? 

That  is  the  new  explanation,  and,  typically  Jewish 
again,  it  is  coupled  with  a  proposal  for  the  United 
States — and  a  threat!  If  America  refuses  this  par- 
ticular service  of  the  Jew,  we  "put  him  in  the  position 
of  an  irreconcilable  enemy."  See  quotation  at  the 
head  of  this  article. 


228  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

But  the  Jews  have  not  destroyed  capitalism  in  Rus- 
sia. When  Lenin  and  Trotsky  make  their  farewell 
bow  and  retire  under  the  protective  influence  of  the 
Jewish  capitalists  of  the  world,  it  will  be  seen  that 
only  Gentile  or  Russian  capital  has  been  destroyed, 
and  that  Jewish  capital  has  been  enthroned. 

What  is  the  record?  Documents  printed  by  the 
United  States  Government  contain  this  letter:  Please 
note  the  date,  the  Jewish  banker  and  the  Jewish 
names: 

"Stockholm,  Sept.  21, 1917. 
"To  Mr.  Raphael  Scholan: 

"Dear  Comrade: — The  banking  house,  M.  War- 
burg, opened  an  account  for  the  enterprise  of  Comrade 
Trotsky  upon  receipt  of  a  telegram  from  the  Chairman 
of  the  'Rhein-Westphalian  Syndicate.'  A  lawyer, 
probably  Mr.  Kestroff,  obtained  ammunition  and  or- 
ganized the  transportation  of  same,  together  with  that 
of  the  money  *  *  *  to  whom  the  sum  demanded  by 
Comrade  Trotsky  is  to  be  handed. 

"Fraternal  Greetings ! 

"Furstenberg." 

Long  before  that,  an  American  Jewish  financier 
was  supplying  the  funds  which  carried  revolutionary 
propaganda  to  thousands  of  Russian  prisoners  of  war 
in  Japanese  camps. 

It  is  sometimes  said,  by  way  of  explaining  the  Bol- 
shevik movement,  that  it  was  financed  from  Germany, 
a  fact  which  was  seized  upon  to  .supply  war  propa- 
ganda. It  is  true  that  part  of  the  money  came  from 
Germany.  It  is  true  that  part  of  the  money  came 
from  the  United  States.  It  is  the  whole  truth  that 
Jewish  finance  in  all  the  countries  was  interested  in 
Bolshevism  as  an  All-Jewish  investment.  For  the 
whole  period  of  the  war,  the  Jewish  World  Program 
was  cloaked  under  this  or  that  national  name — the 
blame  being  laid  on  the  Germans  by  the  Allies,  and 
on  the  Allies  by  the  Germans,  and  the  people  kept  in 
ignorance  of  who  the  real  personages  were. 

It  was  stated  by  a  French  official  that  two  millions 
of  money  was  contributed  by  one  Jewish  banker  alone. 

When  Trotsky  left  the  United  States  to  fulfill  his 
appointed  task,  he  was  released  from  arrest  at  Halifax 


JEWISH  TESTIMONY  IN  FAVOR  OF  BOLSHEVISM       229 

upon  the  request  of  the  United  States,  and  everyone 
knows  who  constituted  the  War  Government  of  the 
United  States. 

The  conclusion,  when  all  the  facts  are  considered, 
is  irresistible,  that  the  Bolshevik  revolution  was  a  care- 
fully groomed  investment  on  the  part  of  International 
Jewish  Finance. 

It  is  easy  to  understand,  then,  why  the  same  forces 
would  like  to  introduce  it  to  the  United  States.  The 
real  struggle  in  this  country  is  not  between  labor  and 
capital;  the  real  struggle  is  between  Jewish  capital 
and  Gentile  capital,  with  the  I.  W.  W.  leaders,  the 
Socialist  leaders,  the  Red  leaders  and  the  labor  leaders 
almost  a  unit  on  the  side  of  the  Jewish  capitalists. 

Again  recall  which  financiers  thesfe  men  most  at- 
tack.    You  cannot  recall  a  single  Jewish  name. 

The  main  purpose  in  these  two  articles,  however,  is 
to  introduce  the  Jewish  testimony  which  exists  as  to 
the  Jewish  nature  of  Bolshevism. 

The  Jewish  Chronicle,  of  London,  said  in  1919: 
"There  is  much  in  the  fact  of  Bolshevism 
itself,  in  the  fact  that  so  many  Jews  are  Bol- 
sheviks, in  the  fact  that  the  ideals  of  Bolshevism 
at  many  points  are  consonant  with  the  finest  ideals 
of  Judaism." 

Jn  the  same  paper,  of  1920,  is  a  report  of  an  address 
made  by  Israel  Zangwill,  a  noted  Jewish  writer,  in 
which  he  pronounced  glowing  praise  on  "the  race 
which  has  produced  a  Beaconsfield,  a  Reading,  a  Mon- 
tagu, a  Klotz,  a  Kurt  Eisner,  a  Trotsky."  Mr.  Zang- 
will, in  his  swelling  Semitic  enthusiasm,  embraced  the 
Jews  in  the  British  Government  in  the  same  category 
with  the  Jews  of  the  Hungarian  and  Russian  Bolshevik 
governments.  What  is  the  difference?  They  are  all 
Jewish,  and  all  of  equal  honor  and  usefulness  to  "the 
race." 

Rabbi  J.  L.  Magnes,  in  an  address  at  New  York 
in  1919,  is  reported  to  have  said: 

"When  the  Jew  gives  his  thought,  his  devo- 
tion, to  the  cause  of  the  workers  and  of  the  dis- 
possessed, of  the  disinherited  of  the  world,  the 
radical  quality  within  him  goes  to  the  roots  of 
things,  and  in  Germany  he  becomes  a  Marx  and 
a  Lassalle,  a  Haas  and  an  Edward  Bernstein;  in 


230  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

Austria  he  becomes  a  Victor  Adler  and  a  Fried- 
rich  Adler;  in  Rzissia,  a  Trotsky.  Just  take  for 
a  moment  the  present  situation  in  Russia  and  in 
Germany.  The  revolution  set  creative  forces 
free,  and  see  what  a  large  company  of  Jews  was 
available  for  immediate  service.  Sociahst  Revo- 
lutionaries and  Mensheviki,  and  Bolsheviki,  Ma- 
jority and  Minority  Socialists — whatever  they  be 
called — Jews  are  to  be  found  among  the  trusted 
leaders  and  the  routine  workers  of  all  these  revo- 
lutionary parties. ^^ 

"See,"  says  the  rabbi,  "what  a  large  com- 
pany of  Jews  are  available  for  immediate  serv- 
ice." One  ought  to  see  where  he  points.  There 
are  as  many  Jewish  members  of  revolutionary 
societies  in  the  United  States,  as  there  were  in 
Russia;  and  here,  as  there,  they  are  "available 
for  immediate  service." 
Bernard  Lazare,  a  Jewish  writer  who  has  published 
a  work  on  anti-Semitism,  says: 

"The  Jew,  therefore,  does  take  a  part  in  revo- 
lutions, and  he  participates  in  them  in  so  far  as  he 
■  is  a  Jew,  or  more  correctly,  in  so  far  as  he  re- 
mains a  Jejv." 

He  says  also — "The  Jewish  spirit  is  essentially 
a  revolutionary  spirit,  and  consciously  or  other- 
wise, the  Jew  is  a  revolutionist." 
There  is  hardly  any  country  in  the  world,  except 
the  United  States,  where  denials  of  this  could  be  made 
in  such  a  way  as  to  require  proof.     In  every  other 
country  the  fact  is  known.     Here  we  have  been  under 
such  a  fear  of  mentioning  the  word  "Jew"  or  anything 
pertaining  to  it,  that  the  commonest  facts  have  been 
kept  from  us — facts  which  even  a  superficial  knowl- 
edge of  Jewish  writing  would  have  given  us.     It  was 
almost  a  pathetic  spectacle  to  see  American  audiences 
go  to  lectures  about  the  Russian  situation,  and  come 
away  from  the  hall  confused  and  perplexed  because 
the  Russian  situation  is  so  un-Russian,  all  because  no 
lecturer  thought  it  politic  to  mention  "Jew"  in  the 
United  States,  for,  as  some  day  we  shall  see,  the  Jew 
has  contrived  to  gain  control  of  the  platform  too. 
Not  only  do  the  literary  lights  of  Jewry  acknowl- 


JEWISH  TESTIMONY  IN   FAVOR  OF  BOLSHEVISM       231 

edge  the  Jew's  propensity  to  revolution  generally,  and 
his  responsibility  for  the  Russian  situation  particular- 
ly, but  the  lower  lights  also  have  a  very  clear  idea 
about  it.  The  Jew  in  the  midst  of  the  revolution  is 
conscious  that  somehow  he  is  advancing  the  cause  of 
Israel.  He  may  be  a  "bad  Jew"  in  the  synagogue 
sense,  but  he  is  enough  of  a  Jew  to  be  willing  to  do  any 
thing  that  would  advance  the  prestige  of  Israel.  Race 
is  stronger  than  religion  in  Jewry. 

The  Russian  paper,  On  to  Moscow,  in  September, 
1919,  said: 

"It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  Jewish 
people,    who    for    centuries    were    oppressed    by 
kings  and  czars,  are  the  real  proletariat,  the  real 
Internationale,  which  has  no  coimtry." 
Mr.  Cohan,  in  the  newspaper,  Communist,  in  April, 
1919,  said: 

"Without  exaggeration,  it  may  be  said  that 
the  great  Russian  social  revolution  was  indeed 
accomplished  by  the  hands  of  the  Jews.  Would 
the  dark,  oppressed  masses  of  the  Russian  work- 
men and  peasants  have  been  able  to  throw  ofif 
the  yoke  of  the  bourgeoisie  by  themselves?  No, 
it  was  precisely  the  Jews  who  led  the  Russian 
proletariat  to  the  dawn  of  the  Internationale  and 
not  only  have  led,  but  are  also  now  leading  the 
Soviet  cause  which  remains  in  their  safe  hands. 
We  may  be  quiet  as  long  as  the  chief  command 
oi  the  Red  Army  is  in  the  hands  of  Comrade 
Leon  Trotsky.  It  is  true  that  there  are  no  Jews 
in  the  ranks  of  the  Red  Army  as  far  as  privates 
are  concerned,  but  in  the  committees  and  Soviet 
organizations,  as  commissars,  the  Jews  are  gal- 
lantly leading  the  masses  of  the  Russian  proletariat 
to  victory.  It  is  not  without  reason  that  during 
the  elections  to  all  Soviet  institutions  the  Jews 
are  winning  by  an  overwhelming  majority  *  *  * 
The  symbol  of  Jewry,  which  for  centuries  has 
struggled  against  capitalism,  has  become  also  the 
symbol  of  the  Russian  proletariat,  which  can  be 
seen  even  in  the  adoption  of  the  Red  five-point- 
ed star,  which  in  former  times,  as  it  is  well  known, 
was  the  symbol  of  Zionism  and  Jewry.  With  this 
sign  comes  victory,  urith  this  sign  comes  the  death 


232  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

of  the  parasites  of  the  bourgeoisie  *  *  *  Jewish 
tears  will  come  out  of  them  in  sweat  of  drops  of 
blood." 

This  confession,  or  rather  boast,  is  remarkable  for 
its  completeness. 

The  Jews,  says  Mr.  Cohan,  are  in  control  of  the 
Russian  masses — the  Russian  masses  who  have  never 
risen  at  all,  who  only  know  that  a  minority,  like  the 
czar's  minority,  is  in  control  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. 

The  Jews  are  not  in  the  Red  Army,  Mr.  Cohan 
informs  us,  that  is,  in  the  ranks  where  the  actual  fight- 
ing is  done;  and  this  is  strictly  in  line  with  the  Proto- 
cols. The  strategy  of  the  World  Program  is  to  set 
Gentiles  to  kill  Gentiles.  This  was  the  Jewish  boast 
during  the  various  French  social  disasters,  that  so 
many  Frenchmen  had  been  set  killing  each  other. 

In  the  World  War  just  passed,  there  were  as  many 
Gentiles  killed  by  Gentiles  as  there  are  Jews  in  the 
world.  It  was  a  great  victory  for  Israel.  "Jewish 
tears  will  come  out  in  sweat  of  drops  of  blood." 

But  the  Jews  are  in  the  places  of  control  and  safety, 
says  Mr.  Cohan,  and  he  is  absolutely  right  about  it. 
The  wonder  is  that  he  was  so  honest  as  to  say  it.. 

As  to  the  elections,  so-called,  at  which  the  Jews 
are  so  unanimously  chosen,  the  literature  of  Bolshe- 
vism is  very  explicit.  Those  who  voted  against  the 
Jewish  candidates  were  adjudged  "enemies  of  the  revo- 
lution" and  executed.  It  did  not  require  many  execu- 
tions at  a  voting  place  to  make  all  the  elections 
unanimous. 

Mr.  Cohan  is  especially  instructive  on  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  Red  Star,  the  five-pointed  emblem  of 
Bolshevism.  "The  symbol  of  Jewry,"  he  says,  "has 
become  also  the  symbol  of  the  Russian  proletariat." 

The  Star  of  David,  the  Jewish  national  emblem, 
is  a  six-pointed  star,  formed  by  two  triangles,  one 
standing  on  its  base,  the  other  on  its  apex.  Deprived 
of  their  base  lines,  these  triangles  approximate  the 
familiar  Masonic  emblem  of  the  Square  and  Compass. 
It  is  this  Star  of  David  of  which  a  Jewish  observer  in 
Palestine  remarks  that  there  are  so  few  among  the 
graves  of  the  British  soldiers  who  won  Palestine  in  the 
recent  war;  most  of  the  signs  are  the  familiar  wooden 


JEWISH   TESTIMONY   IN   FAVOR  OF   BOLSHEVISM       233    ,     7<,o   ^ 

Cross.     These  Crosses  are  new  reported  to  be  objee-     ^^^ 
tionable  to  the  new  rulers  cf  Palestine,  because  they     y 
are  so  plainly  in  view  of  the  visitor  who  approaches    \ 
the  new  Jewish  university.    As  in  Soviet  Russia,  so  in  / 
Palestine,  not  many  Jews  laid  down  their  lives  for  the  / 
cause:  there  were  plenty  of  Gentiles  for  that  purposes 

As  the  Jew  is  a  past  master  in  the  art  of  symbol- 
ism, it  may  not  be  without  significance  that  the  Bol- 
shevik Star  has  one  point  less  than  the  Star  of  David. 
For  there  is  still'  one  point  to  be  fulfilled  in  the  World 
Program  as  outlined  in  the  Protocols — and  that  is  the 
enthronement  of  "our  leader."  When  he  comes,  the 
World  Autocrat  for  whom  the  whole  program  is 
framed,  the  sixth  point  may  be  added. 

The  Five  Points  of  the  Star  now  apparently  as- 
sured are  the  Purse,  the  Press,  the  Peerage,  Palestine 
and  Proletarianism.  The  sixth  point  will  be  the 
Prince  of  Israel. 

It  is  very  hard  to  say,  it  is  hard  to  believe,  but  Mr. 
Cohan  has  said  it,  and  revolutions  especially  since  the 
French  Revolution  confirm  it,  that  "with  this  sign 
comes  the  death  of  the  parasites  of  the  bourgeoisie 
*  *  *  Jewish  tears  will  come  out  of  them  in  sweat  of 
drops  of  blood."  The  "bourgeoisie,"  as  the  Protocols 
say,  are  always  Gentile. 

The  common  counterargument  to  the  invincible 
fact  of  the  Jewish  character  of  the  Russian  revolu- 
tion—an  argument  which  is  destined  to  disappear  now 
that  Jewish  acknowledgment  is  coming  thick  and 
fast — is  that  the  Jews  in  Russia  suffer  too.  "How 
can  we  favor  a  movement  which  makes  our  own  peo- 
ple suffer?"  is  the  argument  put  up  to  the  Gentile. 

Well,  the  fact  is  this:  they  are  favoring  that  move- 
ment. Today,  this  very  moment,  the  Bolshevik  Gov- 
ernment is  receiving  money  from  Jewish  financiers  in 
Europe,  and  if  in  Europe,  then  of  course  from  the 
International  Jewish  bankers  in  America  also.  That 
is  one  fact. 

Another  fact  is  this:  the  Jews  of  Russia  are  not 
suffering  to  anywhere  near  the  extent  we  are  told  by 
the  propagandists.  It  is  now  a  fact  admitted  by  Jews 
themselves  that  upon  the  first  sweep  of  the  Bolshevists 
across  Poland,  the  Polish  Jews  were  friendly  with  the 
invaders  and  helped  them.     The  fact  was  explained 


234  THE    INTERNATIONAL    JEW 

by  American  Jews  in  this  manner:  since  Bolshevism 
came  to  Russia,  the  condition  of  the  Jews  there  has 
greatly  improved — therefore  the  Polish  Jews  were 
friendly.  And  it  is  true — the  condition  of  Russian 
Jews  is  good. 

One  reason  is:  they  have  Russia.  Everything 
there  belongs  to  them. 

The  other  reason  is:  The  Jews  of- Russia  are  the 
only  ones  receiving  help  there  today. 

Did  that  second  statement  ever  strike  you  as  sig- 
nificant? Only  the  Jews  of  Russia  have  food  and 
money  sent  to  them.  It  is  one  form,  of  course,  of  the 
support  which  the  Jewish  world  is  giving  Bolshevism. 
But  if  the  suffering  among  the  Jews  is  what  the  propa- 
gandists say  it  is,  what  must  it  be  among  the  Rus- 
sians? Yet  no  one  is  sending  food  or  money  to  them. 
T,he  probable  truth  of  the  whole  situation  is  that  Jew- 
ish Bolshevism  is  laying  a  tax  on  the  world.  Any 
time  it  may  be  required,  there  is  plenty  of  evidence  as 
to  the  good  condition  of  the  Jews  in  Russia.  They 
have  all  there  is. 

Another  source  of  confusion  is  revealed  in  the 
question:  "How  can  Jewish  capitalists  support  Bol- 
shevism when  Bolshevism  is  against  capitalism?" 

Bolshevism,  as  before  stated,  is  only  against  Gen- 
tile capitalism.  Jewish  financiers  who  remained  in 
Russia  are  very  useful  to  the  Bolsheviki.  Read  this 
description  by  an  eyewitness:  "A  Jew  is  this  Com- 
missary of  the  Bank,  very  elegant,  with  a  cravat  of 
the  latest  style,  and  a  fancy  waistcoat.  A  Jew  is  this 
District  Commissary,  former  stockbroker,  with  a 
double  bourgeois  chin.  Again  a  Jew,  this  inspector 
of  taxes:  he  understands  perfectly  how  to  squeeze  the 
bourgeoisie." 

These  agents  of  Jewry  are  still  there.  Other  agents 
are  among  the  Russians  who  fled,  getting  their  lands 
away  from  them  on  mortgage  loans.  When  the  cur- 
tain lifts,  most  of  the  choice  real  estate  will  be  found 
to  have  passed  into  Jewish  control  by  perfectly  "legal" 
means. 

That  is  one  answer  to  the  question,  Why  the  Jew- 
ish capitalists  support  Bolshevism.  The  Red  Revo- 
lution is  the  greatest  speculative  event  of  human 
history.     Besides,  it  is  for  the  exaltation  of  Israel; 


JEWISH   TESTIMONY   IN   FA\'OR  OF  BOLSHEVISM       235 

it  is  a  colossal  revenge,  which  the  Jews  always  take 
where  they  can,  for  wrongs  real  or  imaginary. 

Jewish  capitalism  knows  exactly  what  it  is  doing. 
What  are  its  gains? 

1.  It  has  taken  a  whole  rich  country,  without  the 
cost  of  war. 

2.  It  has  demonstrated  the  necessity  of  gold. 
Jewish  power  rests  on  the  fiction  that  gold  is  wealth. 
By  the  premeditated  clumsiness  of  the  Bolshevik 
monetary  system,  the  unthinking  world  has  been  made 
to  believe  still  more  strongly  that  gold  is  necessary, 
and  this  belief  gives  Jewish  capitalism  another  hold 
on  the  Gentile  world.  If  the  Bolshevists  had  been 
honest,  they  could  have  dealt  Jewish  capitalism  its 
death  blow.  No!  Gold  is  still  on  its  throne.  De- 
stroy the  fiction  that  gold  has  value,  and  you  leave 
the  Jewish  International  Financiers  sitting  forlorn  on 
heaps  of  useless  metal. 

3.  It  has  demonstrated  its  power  to  the  world. 
Protocol  Seven  says:  ''To  demonstrate  our  enslave- 
ment of  the  Gentile  governments  of  Europe,  we  will 
show  our  power  to  one  of  them  by  crimes  of  violence, 
that  is,  a  reign  of  terror."  Has  Europe  been  suf- 
ficiently "shown"?  Europe  has,  and  is  afraid !  That 
is  a  great  gain  for  Jewish  capitalists. 

4.  Not  the  least  of  the  gains  is  the  field  practice  in 
the  art  of  revolution  which  Russia  has  offered.  Stu- 
dents in  that  Red  school  are  coming  back  to  the  United 
States.  The  technique  of  revolution  has  been  reduced 
to  a  science  according  to  the  details  laid  down  in  the 
Protocols.  To  use  Rabbi  Magnes's  words  again:  "See 
what  a  large  company  of  Jews  was  available  for  imme- 
diate service."  The  available  company  is  now  much 
larger. 


Uamc  of  October,  2,  1920. 


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